03 September 2006

FEDERICO GARCIA LORCA: A LIFE, by Ian Gibson

EXCERPTS: Federico Garcia Lorca, A Life by Ian Gibson

INTRODUCTION:

“his dazzling range of gifts and huge charm so seduced most (not all) of those who came within his orbit that they had eyes – and ears – only for the staggering one-man show. Pianist, poet, dramatist, lecturer, conversationalist, raconteur, actor, theatre director, mimic, Lorca could also sing folksongs feelingly and draw well enough to merit the praise of a critic as severe as Dali. If ever anyone was the charasmatic life and soul of a party it was Federico... Lorca's sense of humour was contagious, his bursts of laughter proverbial; and he spread around him an aura of happiness... His fellow countrymen recognized in the man and his work an extraordinary synthesis of the traditional and the avant-garde, while foreigners who crossed his path always thought of Spain thereafter in terms of the amazing ebullient Andalusian.” (xx)

“It was hardly surprising, then, that few people suspected the anguished side to him. A side every bit as real as the other, as might perhaps be deduced from a work in which death and frustrated love are obsessively recurrent themes. It was difficult enough to be a homosexual in that society, but Lorca's dilemma was aggravated by deep emotional conflicts which threatened at times to overwhelm him... Several companions of the poet have recorded his disconcerning tendency suddenly to switch off in the middle of a lively conversation and to go deep within himself, his lips pursed and the light of his dark eyes temporarily extinguished. Soon afterwards he would 'return' and carry on from where he had left off, as if emerging from a hypnotic trance. Lorca called these moments his 'dramones' ('big dramas')...” (xx-xxi)

“My own feeling is that Lorca's best work, both the plays and the poetry, puts us in touch with our emotions and reminds us forcefully, in a world ever more computerized and machine-controlled, that we are an integral part of Nature – a Nature that all too often we tend to forget. 'Only mystery enables us to live, only mystery', the poet wrote beneath one of his enigmatic drawings. His work, due largely to the power of its earthy imagery, makes us experience that mystery more acutely than perhaps any other poet of the century. If it is true that poets are the last animists in our industrial society, then Lorca is surely one of the greatest. Reading him, or seeing his plays, we enter a pre-logical world, presided over by the moon, where man is one more strand in the intricate fabric of life.” (xxii)

BOOK ONE: From Fuente Vaqueros to New York 1898-1929

CHAPTER 1: CHILDHOOD

THE VEGA OF GRANADA

“Towards 1880 another, much more decisive, factor came to bear on the situation, promoting the development and enrichment not only of the Soto de Roma but of the Vega in general: the discovery that sugar-beet could be grown there very successfully. Soon the Vega was a hive of activity. Tall-chimneyed factories for the processing of the beet sprang up and many landowners made rapid fortunes, among them Federico Garcia Rodriguez, the future poet's father. The loss of Cuba to the United States in 1898 came as a further fillip to the Vega's economy, for it meant that the importation of cheap sugar from the island had come to an end. The plain was booming, and by the time Lorca was born in Fuente Vaqueros in the summer of 1898, his father had become one of the wealthiest men in the village.” (6)

“Lorca's paternal great-grandfather, Antonio Garcia Vargas, had been born and bred in Fuente Vaqueros where, in 1831, he married a local girl, Josefa Paula Rodriguez Cantos. Unlike most of the inhabitants of the Soto de Roma he could read and write, and for many years held the post of secretary to the town hall. Antonio Garcia's wife was celebrated for her beauty and, according to family tradition, may have been of Gypsy extraction. More likely, perhaps, is that his mother was from such a background, given the frequency of the surname Vargas among the Gypsies of Andalusia. It is hard to imagine, at all events, that the suspicion of having Romany blood in his veins, from whatever source and no matter how diluted, would have been a matter of indifference to the author of Gyspy Ballads.” (7)

“...La Fuente belonged to the Duke of Wellington, a circumstance that set these people apart from the rest of the inhabitants of the plain and gave them, perhaps, through their contact with the Protestant English, a broader view of life and the world. On the other hand the locals resented the latter to a greater or lesser extent, for despite having to make only minimal payments – always in kind – to the landowner, it rankled to be tenants of a foreign nobleman, no matter how distinguished might have been the contribution of his great forebear tot he well-being of the nation. All this probably served to sharpen the villagers' sense of irony... But whatever explanations may be offered, the fact remains that Fuente Vaqueros was different from the other villages of the Vega. Liberal, 'a bolshie lot, always against authority' (as one distinguished English agent termed it in 1980), and unconcerned about religious matters, these people were surprisingly open a progressive.” (9)

“Federico Garcia Rodriguez, the poet's father, was born in Fuente Vaqueros in 1859, the eldest of the nine. A photograph taken when he was twenty suggests a personality in which seriousness, sensitivity and determination blend smoothly... Tolerant, sensible, measured in his judgements, a fine horseman, always willing to lend a hand to others, with an innate dignity, a good sense of humour and complete lack of pretentiousness, Garcia Rodriguez was respected by all who knew him. Moreover, he played the guitar well, performing with gusto at the reunions in which the large family revelled.” (10)

“Vicenta Lorca's family was neither as numerous nor as original as her husband's. She was an only child, daught of Vicente Lorca Gonzalez, of Granada, and Maria de la Concepcion Romero Lucena, of Santa Fe. Vicenta's paternal grandfather, Bernardo Lorca Alcon... hailed from Totana, in Murcia, and it is not known why or when he moved to Granada, where he married a local girl, Antonia Josefa Gonzalez. Ina document of 1840 Bernardo Lorca is described as an 'agricultural worker'. The grandfather's surname may indicate that the family was of Jewish origin. Lorca, an important town in Murcia close to Totana, had a flourishing Jewish community in the Middle Ages, and as is well known, it was common practice, once the Inquisition got under way, for converted Jews to change their names to that of the town of their origin, hoping thus to disguise their Semitic provenance. Certainly, the poet not only believed that he had inherited Jewish blood from his mother, albeit pretty watered down, but expressed his satisfaction at the fact that his second surname linked him to a town in Murcia with significant Jewish antecendents.” (11)

“Even more precocious was the appearance of the Garcia musical ability. 'Before Federico could talk he was already humming folk songs and loved to listen to the guitar,' his mother recalled. Vicenta, was was musical herself although she played no instrument, encouraged in her child the development of what was quite clearly an innate disposition.” (13)

“Lorca wrote to a friend in 1932 that his mother, although she gave up teaching on marrying, never lost her vocation and taught 'hundreds of peasants' in Fuente Vaqueros to read. Vicenta got along well with the numerous Garcia relatives she acquired as a result of her marriage, and, like them, deeply admired Victor Hugo, whose works, following the example of Grandmother Isabel Rodriguez, she used to read aloud to the servants and anyone else who cared to listen. 'One of my most moving childhood memories', wrote Federico:

is of her reading Victor Hugo's Hernani in our huge kitchen at Daimuz to the farm labourers and administrator's family. My mother read admirably, and I observed with amazement that the servants were weeping although, naturally, I understood nothing of what was going on... Nothing? Well, I did grasp the poetic atmosphere but not all the human passions of the drama.” (14-15)

“It was almost certainly on the Daimuz estate that occurred an incident which, according to the poet, contributed decisively to the unfolding of his artistic sensibility. In an interview in 1934 he recalled:

It happened round about 1906. Our land, agricultural land, had always been ploughed by old wooden ploughs, which hardly scratched the surface. But in that year some of the farmers acquired the new Bravant ploughs (I've never forgotten the name), which had been awarded a prize at the Paris Exhibition of 1900 for their efficiency. I, inquisitive child that I was, used to follow our new, vigorous plough everywhere. I enjoyed watching how the huge steel blade opened a slit in the earth, a slit from which roots, not blood, emerged. Once the plough stopped. It had hit against something hard. A second later the shining steel blade turned out of the earth a Roman mosaic. It bore an inscription which I don't recall, although for some reason, I don't know why, the names of the shepherds Daphnis and Chloe come into my mind. This, my very first experience of artistic wonder, is related to the earth. The names of Daphnis and Chloe also taste of earth and love.”

...the poet's memory seems not to have played him false. A few years ago, after [his brother] Francisco's death, the remains of a Roman farmhouse came to light under the fertile soil of Daimuz. Numerous Roman coins have been found on the site, almost all from the period of Constantine, and a large quantity of mosaics. It is almost certain, then, that in evoking his first experience of 'artistic wonder', the poet was remembering a true event and that, in a thrilling, unexpected way the ancient history of Andalusia had suddenly been made palpable to him. The Romans had lived on this very estate, now belonging to his father, years before the arrival of the Arabs who, in turn, had named it Daimuz! It is difficult not to relate the experience, recalled by the poet so vividly, to the Andalusia he lovingly assembled later in his ballads, a mythical Andalusia whose personality is composed of elements as diverse as the Tartessian, the Roman, the Christian, the Jewish, the Moorish and the Gypsy” (16)

RECOLLECTIONS OF VILLAGE LIFE

“About the same time [1906] a travelling puppet theatre arrived in La Fuente. Federico had never before attended such a function – puppet shows were a rarity in the village – and his excitement was intense. 'Federico was returning from the chapel when he saw the actors putting up the the little theatre in the square,' Carmen Ramos recalled. 'He refused to leave the square or to eat supper. After the show he returned home tremendously worked up. And next day a puppet theatre took the place of the 'altar' on the garden wall'... In this first contact with the tradition of Andalusian puppetry we may be permitted to see the origins, not only of Lorca's love of the genre – he himself would write several puppet plays – but of his later enthusiasm for the work of the Barraca, the itinerant university theatre founded by the Republic in 1932 and which, run by Federico and the playwright Eduardo Ugarte, travelled the roads of Spain for four years, erecting its portable stage in village squares and introducing classical dramas to people who had often never seen a play.” (18)

“In his references to Fuente Vaqueros the poet liked to recalle the abundance of water that defines the village where he spent his early childhood. La Fuente in not merely situated close to the meeting of the Genil and Cubillas and set in fields criss-crossed with irrigation channels, but built, almost literally, on water, for beneath the village are plentiful springs which, according to the locals, are connected to the Sierra Nevada. The drawback is that, when it rains heavily, the level of the subterranean water rises, increasing the humidity that pervades walls and floors.” (22)

“Lorca's childhood years in Fuente Vaqueros were always to remain with him as a constant present, seemingly impervious to the action of time. He said once:

I love the countryside. I feel myself linked to it in all my emotions. My oldest childhood memories have the flavour of the earth. The meadows, the fields, have done wonders for me. The wild animals of the countryside, the livestock, the people living on the land, all these have a fascination that very few people grasp. I recall them now exactly as I knew them in my childhood. Were this not so I could not have written Blood Wedding. My earliest emotional experiences are associated with the land and the work of the land. That's why there's at the heart of my life what psychoanalysts would call an 'agrarian complex'.

And on another occasion:

My whole childhood was centered on the village. Shepherds, fields, sky, solitude. Total simplicity. I'm often surprised when people think that the things in my work are daring improvisations of my own, a poet's audacities. Not at all. They're authentic details, and seem strange to a lot of people because it's not often that we approach life in such a simple, straightforward fashion: looking and listening. Such an easy thing, isn't it?... I have a huge storehouse of childhood recollections in which I can hear people speaking. This is poetic memory, and I trust it implicitly.

...Federico was himself 'of the people', for in the Vega no linguistic and few social differences separated wealty and poor, peasants and landowners. Lorca inherited all the vigour of a speech that springs from the earth and expresses itself with extraordinary spontaneity. Indeed, one has only to hear the inhabitants of the Vega talk and observe their colorful use of imagery to realize that the metaphorical language of Lorca's theatre and poetry, which seems (as he pointed out in the passage just quoted) so original, is rooted in an ancient, collective awareness of nature in which all things – trees, horses, mountains, the moon and the sun, rivers, flowers, human beings – are closely related and interdependent.” (22-23)

PARADISE LOST

“In a letter to the writer Jose Bergamin, Lorca said that Almeria, in the harshness of its climate and the saffron colour of its dust, made him think of Algeria; and it can be added that the real events that inspired Blood Wedding took place, in 1928, 20 miles east of Almeria, near the village of Nijar. Knowing as he did the barren, calcinated countryside, virtually bereft of rainfall, that lies just behind the lush, densely vegetated oasis of the town's immediate surroundings, it would not have been difficult for the poet to imagine the setting in which the tragedy had occurred.” (25)





CHAPTER 2: GRANADA

“The fall of Granada meant the end of an era of almost 800 years of Moorish domination, and an inevitable decline. A kingdom had become a province, and if Seville, conquered 200 years earlier, had acquired, with the discovery of the New World, a fresh, buoyant personality, Granada, cut off from the sea and hemmed in by the mountains seemed to have lost its soul.

While mentioning the fate of Granada's Moors and Jews, a word should be said about her Gypsies who, since the fourteenth century and until very recently, lived in the caves of the Sacromonte...

As a child the poet had known various Romany families in Fuente Vaqueros (where it is said that they formed 10 percent of the populace), and during his adolescence frequently visited the caves of the Sacromonte, where he made friends with the dancers and singers. Gypsy Ballads was to spring in part from Lorca's contact with these exotic people of Indian extraction who, despite far-off origins, often seem more Andalusian than the Andalusians themselves.” (28-29)

“Lorca aligned himself firmly with those who considered that the fall of Muslim Granada had been a cultural calamity. Asked in 1936 for his opinion of that event, he remarked decisively:

It was a desastrous event, even though they may say the opposite in the schools. An admirable civilization, and a poetry, astronomy, architecture and sensitivity unique in the world – all were lost, to give way to an impoverished, cowed city, a 'miser's paradise'.

They were strong words, and not everyone would agree with the poet's analysis of the situation prevailing in the the city before its fall in 1492. But there can be no doubt that Lorca was absolutely sincere in his abhorrence of what happened once the city was in Christian hands. In 1931 he identified himself explicitly with the victims of Ferdinand's and Isabella's repression. 'I believe', he said in an interview, 'that being from Granada gives me a fellow feeling for those who are being persecuted. For the Gypsy, the Negro, the Jew... the morisco, whom all granadinos carry inside them.'” (29)

“Granada is often known among Spaniards as 'the city of the carmen'. The word, Arabic in origin, denotes a hillside villa with an enclosed garden hidden by high walls from inquisitive eyes, the architectural design expressing, originally, the Islamic notion of the inner paradise, a reflection of heaven. From the street outside, the garden is invisible; inside, amid a riot of vines, jasmine, fruit trees and geraniums, splashes the inevitable fountain. Lorca found in the title of a seventeenth-century composition by the Grenadine poet Pedro Soto de Rojas the ideal definition of the carmen: 'Paraiso cerrado para muchos, jardines abiertos para pocos' ('A Paradise Close to Many, Gardens Open to Few'). And in 1924 he declared that he adored Granada, 'but only to live there on a different plane, in a carmen. All the rest is a waste of time. To live close to what one feels deeply: the whitewashed wall, the fragrant myrtle, the fountain.'”(36)

CHAPTER 3: SCHOOL, MUSIC, UNIVERSITY 1909-17

“One of the reasons, perhaps the main one, why Federico did not apply himself at school was that, soon after arriving in Granada, he discovered that, like so many members of his family on the Garcia side, he had genuine musical ability, particularly as a pianist. He was elated, and spent hours every day at the keyboard.

Lorca wrote that it was Antonio Segura [Mesa] who 'initiated' him into the methodical study of folk music but, unfortunately, we have no information whatsoever as to how that initiation, vital in the poet's career, was implemented.

Federico came to rever the old teacher who, as well as stimulating his innate musical talent and ensuring that he acquired an excellent piano technique and solid knowledge of harmony, took him into his confidence and recounted the ups and downs of his life as a less than successful composer.” (41-42)

“Lorca's parents had made up their minds that he and his brother should have sensible professional careers. As a result Federico had no option but to resign himself, after the misery of his school years, to entering Granada University, no matter how strongly he now wished to devote himself exclusively to music. Accordingly, in October 1914, he put his name down for the preparatory course common to the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters and that of Law.” (42)

“Lorca's university career, like his school record, was far from brilliant, and if in 1915-16 he worked with relative seriousness in both Faculties, in the next two or three years he hardly bothered to sit an examination.

During his early university days Lorca was, above all, the talented young pianist, for whom both his friends and teacher were forecasting an outstanding musical career. Under Antonio Segura's guidance he had begun to compose, and several short works, now apparently lost, convinced his listeners that here was no run-of-the-mill aptitude. What few of Federico's companions could have guessed during 1915 however, was that 'The Musician', as they called him, was also a poet.” (46)

“Then, on 26 May 1916, as the university session drew to its close, Antonio Segura died, at the age of seventy-four. Suddenly, at a critical point in his life, Federico had lost a great friend, teacher and ally. His heart set on a musical career, and hoping to continue his studies in Paris, Lorca badly needeed Don Antonio's support in his struggle to persuade his parents to allow him off the university hook and to devote himself to his art. Now that Segura had died everything changed for the worse. Lorca's father, predictably, refused to countenance the possibility of his son's departure for France: no doubt he was not convinced that Federico had a genuine vocation for music, and anyway he felt strongly that, first, his son should have a degree to fall back on in case things did not work out. It was the sort of practical attitude to be expected of the rich landowner Don Federico Garcia Rodriguez.” (47)


CHAPTER 4: THE 'RINCONCILLO' OF THE CAFE ALAMEDA 1915-25

“The staff of the magazine [Grandada] and their friends used to meet each evening in the Cafe Alameda, situated in the Plaza del Campillo... At the back of the cafe, behind the little dais on which the quintet performed, was a recess wide enough to hold two or three tables. It was here that [Jose] Mora [Guarnido] and his fellow collaborators on the magazine met. Despite the ephemeral nature of that publishing venture, the group continued to frequent the rinconcillo ('little corner') of the Alameda, and eventually, as it expanded, became known by this name. The Rinconcillo had its heyday between 1915 and, approximately, 1922. After that many of its members left for Madrid and elsewhere, and it began to disintegrate.” (54)

“Melchor Fernandez Almagro (1893-1966), born in Granada... was another leading light of the Rinconcillo and later became a distinguished member of the Spanish cultural establisment, producing important books on literary and historical topics, a large corpus of good theatre criticism published in newspapers and magazines, and eventually being elected to both Royal Acadamies (Language and History)... Fernandez Almagro was one of the first to perceive Lorca's literary potential and, as co-editor of the Arts Club's special Zorrilla issue in 1917, it was probably 'Melchorito', as Lorca liked to call him, who secured the latter's collaboration on that occasion.

Melchor was also one of the first rinconcillistas to settle permanently in Madrid, moving there in 1918 to work at the Post Office. In the capital he took it upon himself, like a literary St John the Baptist, to prepare the ground for Lorca's imminent arrival, and he succeeded in creating among his many new friends considerable curiosity concerning the Grenadine prodigy about to be unleashed on Madrid... Federico turned to him again and again when he found himself in need of advice, and Fernandez Almagro was often the first to be informed of a new literary project. Melchor understood Lorca's work better than almost any other contemporary critic, and his articles merited the poet's deep appreciation.” (55-56)

“The journalist Constantino Ruiz Carnero (1890-1936)... Appointed editor of El Defensor de Granada in the mid-twenties... was a passionate Republican and enemy of the dictatorial regime of General Primo de Rivera. Under his direction, El Defensor became the chief mouthpiece of democracy in Granada and, where Lorca was concerned, chronicled the poet's career with pride. Lorca knew, at it was almost certainly important to him, that, where El Defensor was concerned, he was a prophet in his own country.” (57-58)

“Visiting Spanish writers and artists not infrequently found their way to the gathering. There were 'honorary members', such as Manuel de Falla and Fernando de los Rios, who joined the group from time to time. And foreign writers, artists and musicians who, passing through the town, were adopted and taken on priviledged tours of secret Granada. Among the latter were H.G. Wells, Rudyard Kipling, Wanda Landowska, Artur Rubenstein and the Swedish Hispanist Carl Sam Osberg...” (60)

“The members were not above concocting the occasional hoax, and in this line their finest acheivement was the creation of an apocryphal poet, Isidoro Capdepon Fernandez, in whose person were fused all those characteristics of the Granadine stereotypes that the friends most deplored... Capdepon's fame eventually spread to Madrid where, participating in the propagation of the amusing deception, Melchor Fernandez Almagro and others published articles on the bard in respectable journals, even suggesting that he should be elected to the Royal Academy. Lorca took part in the composition of Capdepon's effusions, several of which are perfect gems of parody... The poet's life and work would have been very different had he not coincided in Granada with such an intelligent, creative and unconventional group.” (60-61)


CHAPTER 5: JUVENILIA

“In the spring and summer of 1917 Lorca accompanied Martin Dominguez Berrueta on two more study trips... The seven weeks spent in Burgos made a lasting impression on Lorca. One of the most interesting visits was to the Royal Monastery of Las Huelgas, on the outskirts of the city... Both Federico and his companion Luis Mariscal commented on this visit in the local press, and it is noticeable that, while [Mariscal] concentrated on the historical aspects of the venerable pile, Lorca was more interested in the motives that might have induced the present incumbents of Las Huelgas to renounce the world and its ways. He had no doubt, he wrote, that emotional conflicts were at the heart of the nuns' abnegation, nor that the monastic life represents a rejection of God's gifts of life and love. The article must have been found offensive by some of the readers of El Diario de Burgos.

The group's visit to the Benedictine monastery of Santo Domingo de Silos and the Charterhouse of Miraflores confirmed Lorca in his analysis of the monastic rejection of the world, and in Impressions and Landscapes he recounted a poignant scene which he claimed had occurred there. Among the bizarre personages living in the abbey was a monk who had entered the order in middle age to atone, it was hinted darkly, for a particularly disordered life. One afternoon, tired of the Gregorian chant for which the monastery is renowned, Federico climbed up to the organ and began to play the opening bars of the Allegretto of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony. Hardly had he begun when the monk in question burst in. 'Don't stop! Don't stop!' he begged. But Lorca could only remember a little more, and the instrument fell silent. The monk, as if in a trance, was staring into the far distance with eyes that expressed, wrote the poet, 'all the bitterness of a spirit which had just awakened out of a fictitious dream'. Later, once he had regained his calm, the unfortunate man explained all: he had been a passionate lover of music, and, fearing that such an attachment was having a deleterious effect on his spiritual life, had decided to renounce it forever. And where better than at Silos, with its spartan plainsong, to escape from the allurements of the goddess? But now this young musician from Granada had unwittingly reminded him of all that he had renounced!” (62-63)

“When Lorca arrived back in Granada at the beginning of September, the rinconcillistas were amazed to discover that a change was fast taking place in the direction of his artistic vocation. No longer exclusively the musician of the group, Federico was working feverishly on a book of impressions of Castile as well as writing poetry, prose pieces of a metaphysical cast and even little plays. Evidently something extraordinary was happening.” (64)

“Lorca's early work has an evangelical root, revealing a strong tendency on the part of the young poet to identify with Christ. This aspect of the juvenilia comes out strongly in the unfinished play Christ. A Religious Tragedy, whose first draft probably belongs to the period 1917-1918. In this work Jesus is nineteen - Lorca's age when he wrote it; Christ's evangelical vocation, which conflicts with his family's wishes for the future, reminds us that the poet's parents insisted on his acquiring a university degree, despite his artistic calling; Jesus, as a boy, 'would slowly follow an ant', and we recall Lorca's claim that, as a child in Fuente Vaqueros, he often talked to these insects; Christ, like the child Federico, spends hours and hours chatting to the people in the village, and often his family has to go and look for him; Jesus declares that his soul is 'sad from birth', that he is 'made for suffering', and these are the sentiments that recur in many of Lorca's early poems; and, perhaps especially, this Jesus, is sunk in a sea of erotic despair.” (67)

“There was one great consolation: to have found in the work of the Nicaraguan poet Ruben Dario a sensibility strongly akin to his own – so akin, in fact, that Dario's was to prove the major literary influence on the young Lorca during his formative period. With its incorporation of French fin-de-ciecle themes and motivations, its refined eroticism, its musicality and its exoticism, Dario's work came as a breath of spring air to a Spain where poetry had become stiflingly trite and academic. His revolution, known as modernismo, was compared by Lorca's friend and fellow poet Damaso Alonso to that affected in the sixteenth century by Garcilaso de la Vega, who incorporated Italian Renaissance modes of feeling and expression into his poetry; and other poets of Lorca's generation attested similarly to the influence of Dario on their lives and work. For these young men, in fact, it was impossible to ignore Dario, however strongly they might react later against the Central American's verbal excesses and gaudy imagery.

Lorca knew his Dario well, and referred to him often in the poems and other writings of this period, admiring his scorn for the philistines, disregard for conventional notions of poetic decorum and refusal to be classified as belonging to this or that 'school'. Faith in art; individualism; allegiance, among the gods to Dionysus; the sense of the deep mystery of life; intellectual curiosity; astonishing creative energy; a capacity for wonder and admiration; pantheistic fervour; sincerity; terror of death; underlying Christian unease; all these qualities awoke a deep response in the young Lorca and spoke powerfully to his condition.” (68)


CHAPTER 6: THE RESIDENCIA DE LOS ESTUDIANTES. MARTINEZ SIERRA

“Almost certainly through the influence of Fernando de los Rios, Lorca's parents decided to allow Federico – who had been declared 'totally unfit' for military service because he presented 'light symptoms of spinal sclerosis' – to spend a year at Madrid's famous university hostel, the Residencia de Estudiantes, beginning that autumn. Accordingly, at the end of April or beginning of May 1919, Lorca arrived in the capital to arrange matters, armed with a letter of introduction from De los Rios to the young warden, Alberto Jimenez Fraud, and Andalusian from Malaga.

The Residencia was the spiritual offspring of the liberal Institucion Libre de Ensenanza ('Free Teaching Institution')... which had been founded in 1876 by Francisco Giner de los Rios. Alberto Jimenez Fraud had taught at the Institucion Libre for three years, in the closest collaboration with Giner... and been deeply affected by the spirit that pervaded that most admirable of schools. Giner's obsession with the intellectual, moral and material advancement of Spain, his humanity and conviction that only the creation of a select minority of cultured men and women devoted to the betterment of the country could bring about a change in the latter's fortunes – this idealism exerted a profound influence on Jimenez Fraud, whose vocation as a teacher and guide to the young soon became manifest. Between 1907 and 1909 he spent several months in England, where he took a lively interest in the Oxbridge college system. And when, in 1910, Giner invited him to take charge of a small, experimental students' hall of residence to be set up in Madrid, he accepted the challenge with alacrity. He was then twenty-six...

From the outset Jimenez Fraud received the support of distinguished patrons. The young King Alfonso XIII... vistited in 1911; Miguel de Unamuno came often; Jose Ortega y Gasset sat on the board, and the poet Juan Ramon Jimenez was a resident until his marriage in 1919.” (78-79)

“One of Alberto Jimenez Fraud's principal endeavours was to persuade distinguished men and women to lecture to his students. From the moment the 'Resi' moved to its new buildings [its present location on 'la Colina de los Chopos', or 'Poplar Hill'] this activity increased notably. The complete list of the visitors to 'Poplar Hill' would occupy several paragraphs, the lecturers including H.G. Wells, G.K. Chesterton, Albert Einstein, Marie Curie, Paul Valery, Howard Carter, Le Corbusier, Sir Arthur Eddington, Louis Aragon, Sir Leonard Woolley, Francois Mauriac, Blais Cendrars, Leo Frobenius, Paul Claudel, Georges Duhamel, Hilaire Belloc, Henri Bergson, John Maynard Keyes and General Bruce.

Music was of a high quality, too. Numerous distinguished musicians – composers and performers – were invited, among them Manuel de Falla, Andres Segovia, Wanda Landowska, Ricardo Vines, Darus Milhaud, Igor Stravinsky, Francis Poulenc and Maurice Ravel.” (81-82)

“When Lorca arrived in Madrid that spring of 1918, installed himself in a cheap pension, and visited the Residencia de Estudiantes for the first time, Juan Ramon Jimenez's dream of a few years earlier was beginning to take shape. The poplars were doing well, the bushes and plants maturing, and what had previously been a bare Castilian hillside was now an oasis of water, flowers and luxuriant verdure. The young poet was enchanted. As for his interview with Alberto Jimenez Fraud, the latter remembered years later the immediate impression made on him by the vehement, dark-eyed granadino with his lank hair and impeccable suit and tie. The poet was clearly a perfect candidate for a place at the Residencia, and a room was immediately guaranteed for the academic year starting the following autumn.” (83)


CHAPTER 7: THE BUTTERFLY'S EVIL SPELL

“If, in the summer of 1919, after his visit to Madrid, Lorca had the good fortune to meet and impress Gregorio Martinez Sierra, that autumn an even more vital relationship was initiated – with Manuel de Falla, who settled permanently in the town the following year.

Long before he came to know Granada personally, Falla, who was born at Cadiz in 1876, felt himself powerfully attracted to the place. His opera La vida breve (1904-5) was set there, and unfolded the tragic story of the love of a Gypsy girl from the hilly Albaicin quarter for a fickle, downtown Don Juan.” (89)

“In her book Gregorio y yo ('Gregorio and I'), published in 1953, Maria Martinez Sierra recalled nostalgically the ups and downs of her friendship with Falla and how she accompanied the composer on his first visit to Granada, which took place some time between the autumn of 1914 and the first months of 1915. The ballet El amor brujo ('Love the Magician'), composed at great speed immediately aftter the visit, is set 'in a cave', and was undoubtedly inspired by the celebrated cave-dwellings of the Gypsy quarter of the Sacromonte, with which, it seems fair to assume, Falla became acquainted during his stay.” (89-90)

“An indication of the almost obsessive presence of Granada in Falla's work before he settled in the town is the insistence with which the haunting melody of the 'Zorongo gitano' – a gypsy song from the Sacromonte – recurs in his music... It appears for the first time in Falla's music – little more than a vague insinuation – in La vida breve; we hear it again in Love the Magician; and finally it becomes a leitmotif in Nights in the Gardens of Spain. Lorca was not only fully aware of the fascination that the 'Zorongo' held for Falla, but himself loved this song, which he later recorded for His Master's Voice with the dancer and singer Encarnacion Lopez Julvez and incorporated into his play The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife.” (91)

“During the autumn of 1919 Lorca worked away in Granada at his play [The Butterfly's Evil Spell] for Gregorio Martinez Sierra and, at the end of Novemeber, travelled up to Madrid for this first session at the Residencia de Estudiantes, where his friendship with Luis Bunuel grew closer... In [Mon dernier soupir], published towards the end of his life and not always entirely trustworthy... Bunuel recalls his friendship with Lorca in the 'Resi' and gives the poet credit for having opened his eyes and ears to the appreciation of poetry... The friendship had its crises. According to Bunuel one of the 'residents', a Basque by the name of Martin Dominguez, began to spread the rumour (no date is supplied) that Lorca was a homosexual. Bunuel, shocked – by his own admission he greatly disliked 'pederasts' – immediately accosted the poet, with his characteristic Aragonese bluntness, and demanded satisfaction. Was he or was he not homosexual? 'You and I have finished forever', was Lorca's only reply as he rose and left. 'He was cut to the quick', comments Bunuel. The recollection, on whose accuracy it is impossible to chech, no doubt tells us more about the film director than the poet.” (94)

“Many of the poet's former companions at the Residencia have been extremely reticent about his homosexuality, often denying that they were ever aware of the poet's 'problem'. What is beyond doubt
is that, given the mores prevailing in Spain at the time, the majority of people with such inclinations went to inordinate lengths to mask their true feelings. Lorca was no exception to the rule. None the less his homosexuality was immediately apparent to many people.” (95)

“During his first months at the Residencia, Federico frequently saw the members of the Rinconcillo who were now established in the capital – Jose Fernandez-Montesinos, Jose Mora Guarnido, Melchor Fernandez Almagro and Miguel Pizarro – and was often found in the studio of Manuel Angeles Ortiz. There, while the painter worked at his easel, the poet wrote a substantial part of the play [The Butterfly's Evil Spell] commisioned by Gregorio Martinez Sierra.” (96)

“When, on the night of 22 March 1920, the curtain went up on The Butterfly's Evil Spell, neither 'La Argentita', nor Catalina Barcena (in the role of the Cockroach), nor Grieg [the composer], nor Mignoni's colourful set, nor Barrada's costumes, nor Martinez Sierra's direction, nor the several merits of the little verse play itself, could overcome the rooted hostility of the audience. Lorca's friends, present in strength... had organized an enthusiastic claque, but all in vain. The enemy prevailed and the performance of Federico's first dramatic work was a fiasco. From the moment the actors began to speak the protests erupted, and it soon became clear that a section of the audience was determined to wreck the show. Boos, catcalls, insults and witticisms, foot-stamping – the hullabaloo was deafening... the first act ended in uproar. The second fared hardly better, although it seems that while 'La Argentinita' danced the audience calmed down a little. When the final curtain fell it was clear that Madrid was not yet ready (and no doubt never would be) for a verse play concerning the amorous misfortunes of cockroaches.” (97-98)

“According to several witness Lorca took the reverse well, going after the show to the famous cafe La Granja del Henar, in the Calle de Alcala, to review the events of the evening. The poet Rafael Alberti, whose friendship with Lorca began a few years later, recalled that Federico told him in fits of laughter about the disastrous first night, while as late as 1935 Lorca was still insisting that his reaction to the misfortune had been to have a good laugh. It may well be, however, that, deep down, the evening left its mark, for afterwards the poet stated publicly on various occasions that his first play was Mariana Pineda, which had its premiere in 1927, conveniently forgetting to mention his unpleasant experience at the Eslava seven years earlier.” (98)


CHAPTER 8: NEW DIRECTIONS

FAMILY PRESSURES AND BOOK OF POEMS

“Lorca's university records show that on 30 October 1920 he transferred from the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters in Granada to that of Madrid University. It seems, therefore, that his success in the subjects had been sufficient to persuade his father to let him return to the capital, with the condition that he attend classes there. There is no evidence, however, that he ever set foot in the University.

Installed that autumn for his second session at the Residencia de Estudiantes, Federico kept his parents informed about his parents informed about his projects. He was producing poetry, he assured them, and exploring the possibility of having a book published. Several letters from Vicenta Lorca to her son at this time show that she now approved fully of his determination to have a literary career, and identified closely with his plans... Lorca was in the happy position, therefore, of knowing that his parents not only approved of his plans to publish his poems but that they would make available the necessary funds to defray the printing costs. He could count, moreover, on the assistance, and perceptiveness, of his brother who, out of the mass of manuscripts that had now accumulated, helped him to compile an anthology of his best verse.” (100)

“The printing, which cost Don Federico 1,700 pesetas – a considerable sum in those days – was completed on 15 June 1921. Libro de Poemas ('Book of Poems') had 229 pages, was attractively produced, contained 70 poems dated between 1918 and 1920 and was dedicated to Francisco Garcia Lorca.” (101)

“During the summer of 1921, perhaps for light relief, Lorca took flamenco guitar lessons with two Gypsies from Fuente Vaqueros. 'Flamenco seems to me to be one of the greatest inventions of the Spanish people,' he wrote enthusiastically to Adolfo Salazar. Already, he claimed, he was able to accompany fandangos, peteneras, tarantos, bulerias and romeras. The two Gypsies 'sing and play fabulously, reaching the very depths of popular sentiment', continued the poet; 'it's no wonder that I'm enjoying myself'. It is the first indication we have of a new interest on the part of Lorca in this variety of the folk music of Andalusia, whose unspoiled form is often known as cante jondo or 'deep song' – an interest that was to lead to his Poem of Cante Jondo and Gypsy Ballads. We possess no information on the first discussions that took place between Manuel de Falla and Lorca on the subject of this primitive music, in whose conservation the Gypsies of Andalusia have played such an important part, although Miguel Ceron recalled that two years before the celebration of the Festival of Cante Jondo, in 1922, the composer and the poet were already visiting together the caves of the Sacromonte – the caves evoked by Falla in Love the Magician – and had already become friends with several flamenco singers and guitarists.” (106)

“If Manuel de Falla was fascinated by this music, then still rejected by the cultural establisment, the great philologist Ramon Mendendez Pidal was concerning himself, at the time the composer settled in Granada, with the transcription of the words of popular ballads still surviving in the oral tradition. In 1920 Pidal had visited Granada and was accompanied by Lorca in his investigations among the Gypsies of the Albaicin and Sacromonte. Pidal later wrote that, on that occasion, the poet had shown himself deeply interested in the subject. From one of the Garcia Lorca's servants Pidal copied down several ballads, and Federico sent him others. It seems fair to assume that the learned philologist's stay in Granada, added to the fact of Falla's presence, reinforced Lorca's interest both in folk music in general and in that of the local Gypsies in particular.” (106-107)

FALLA AND CANTE JONDO

“Manuel de Falla had returned to Granada in September 1920 and, after spending brief periods in several houses near the Alhambra, had finally moved with his sister into a charming carmen at 11 Calle de Antequeruela Alta, which enjoyed splendid views over the Vega and towards the Sierra Nevada. There the composer would live until the end of the Civil War in 1939.

It needs little imagination to grasp the effect that Falla's presence in Granada exerted on the artistic life of the place, or the particular enthusiasm it provoked among the members of the Rinconcillo. Falla was by this time internationally recognized as Spain's finest composer, and his decision to live in the town meant that Granada suddenly became an important name on the musical map of Europe. It was not long before Lorca and his friends discovered, moreover, that Falla was a person of profound modesty and humanity who, provided that his working hours were respected, enjoyed meeting and helping other people.” (108)

“Jose Mora Guarnido suspected that if Falla had arrived in Granada a few years earlier, when Lorca was hesitating between music and literature, the balance might well have been tipped in favour of the former. It is possible, certainly, that if the composer's advent had coincided with the death of Federico's teacher Antonio Segura Mesa, in 1916, all might have been different. Lorca claimed that it was Segura who had initiated him in 'the science of folklore'. If such was the case, it fell to Falla to complete the process. Federico was already a serious student of folk music by the time the two met, although Falla's knowledge of the subject, which he put at the poet's disposal, was undoubtedly much wider. Lorca soon became a frequent visitor at Falla's carmen, where the maestro came to regard him with an almost paternal affection, marvelling at his multiple gifts and not least his ability at the keyboard. Nor was it a question of a one-way influence, for if Federico learned and grew under Falla's benign guidance, Don Manuel was in turn encouraged by the poet's friendship and enthusiasm for his work.” (108-109)

“It is not certain to whom should be attributed the original idea of holding a festival of cante jondo in Granada, although the leading candidate is Falla's close friend (and Lorca's), Miguel Ceron Rubio. According to the latter – a man not given to immodesty – he had the brainwave after numerous discussions with Falla and others at the lovely carmen of their friend Fernando Vilchez in the Albaicin, where the decline of authentic flamenco was a frequent topic of conversation. One day, as the group racked their brains in search of some way in which they could help, Ceron came up with the suggestion that perhaps a great competition should be organized in Granada, in which exponents of cante jondo – genuine flamenco – from throughout Andalusia could participate. In this way the attention of the artistic world, at home and abroad, would be focused on the rare musical heritage of the south of Spain.

The ideal date for the venue, it was decided, would be the following June, during the Corpus Christi festivities. Miguel Ceron, whether or not the original begetter of the project, immediately became its principal organizer.” (109)

“In November 1921, Lorca, in the midst of the preparations for the event, in which he had become deeply involved, wrote a series of poems inspired by cante jondo... The Poema del cante jondo signified, certainly, a new directionm in the poet's work. In these compositons Lorca makes no attempt to imitate the words of the often illiterate cante jondo singers, as so many poets had done in the nineteenth century and even well into the twentieth. Nor does he writed in the ubiquitous first person of the songs. What he attempts to do, rather, is to create in the mind of the reader – or the listener, for Lorca is a minstrel and conceives of poetry principally as oral communication – the sensation that he can 'see' the primitive sources (those 'remote lands of sorrow') from which wells up the anguish of cante jondo, and to follow the song imaginatively from its first note until the voice of the cantaor ('singer') dies away.” (109-110)

“At the same time that he worked on the poems, Lorca was putting together, under the guidance of Falla, a lecture on cante jondo to be deliverred as part of the propaganda build-up to the competition. Entitled 'Cante jondo. Primitive Andalusian Song', the talk was given on 19 February 1922 in the Arts Club and revealed how far Lorca had travelled since he began, not very long ago, his exploration of this strand in the Andalusian musical heritage. Clearly the 'discovery' or, better, 'rediscovery', of cante jondo was having a profoundly liberating influence on Lorca's poetic imagination.

In his lecture Lorca acknowledged explicity his debt to Falla's research into the origins and evolution of cante jondo and the latter's musical structure. Falla had sketched out by this time a study of the same subject, which was published anonymously just before the competition began in June, and there is no doubt that much of Lorca's talk derived from this source.” (112)

“Lorca felt sure that it was the Gypsies of Andalusia who had given cante jondo its 'definitive shape', whatever earlier influences went into its making – the adoption by the Church of the Byzantine liturgical chant, for example, or the Moorish invasion of AD 711. Following Falla closely he argued that the siguiriya gitana is the archetypal form of the genre, and that these songs constitute the 'thread that joins us to the impenetrable Orient'. The lecture reveals that the poet, who had known Gypsies from his early days in Fuente Vaqueros, had come to believe that in this primitive music, with its unmistakably Eastern quality, its quarter tones and its pathos, are expressed the very depths of the Andalusian soul (hence the designation 'deep song'). His study of cante jondo had led Lorca to the conclusion, moreover, that Andalusians are 'a sad people, a static people', and not at all the merry, extroverted songsters that they often lead foreigners to believe.” (112)

“It cannot be doubted, given the evidence of this lecture, and of the poems thematically linked to cante jondo that Lorca had already composed by the date of its delivery, that the poet now identified himself closely with the flamenco singers or cantaores of Andalusia, 'mediums' through whom, in his view, the people express their deepest feelings and no doubt, too, their collective unconscious.

Lorca well knew by the spring of 1922, moreover, that he too, like the cantaor in a moment of particularly intense inspiration, often possessed the mysterious communicative power known as duende, although it seems that he became fully aware of the implications of the expression 'to have duende' only after he had written his lecture on cante jondo, where he does not mention it. The insight may well have come during the June competition.

But what is duende? In his famous lecture on the subject, first delivered in 1933, the poet attributed to the great Gypsy singer Manuel Torre, present at the 1922 competition, a penetrating observation made while listening to Manuel de Falla play Nights in the Gardens of Spain. 'Whatever has black sounds has duende,' Torre had said. For Lorca, duende (which normal usage means a poltergeist-like spirit) came to denote a form of Dionysian inspiration always related to anguish, mystery and death, and which animates particularly the artist who performs in public – the musician, the dancer, or the poet who recites his work to a live audience, as was so often his own case. While duende may appear anywhere, Lorca was convinced that Spain is the country it prefers: Spain, where the national fiesta (not to be confused with a sport) is the sacrificial ceremony of the bull-fight. Without duende, as Lorca explained, the singing of the cantaor, while it may be technically perfect, will lack edge, and fail to send shivers down the listener's spine.” (113-114)

“The competition was held on 13 and 14 June, in the Alhambra's Plaza de los Aljibes, which had been decorated by the Basque painter Ignacio Zuloaga. Here on both nights a massive and gaily dressed audience filled the precinct to bursting point. Among the numerous foreigners present was John B. Trend who, since his first visit to Falla in 1919, had become a firm friend of the composer. Trend published an account of those two unforgettable evenings (on the second of which there was a downpour) when he returned to England. He had been deeply impressed by the scene. 'Wherever one looked there were figures in gay, flowered shawls and high combs,' he wrote in the Nation and the Athenaeum, 'while many had put on the silk and satins of bygone days, and appeared in the fashion of the thirties and forties...

The great surprise of the competition was the performance of Diego Bermudez Canete, 'el Tenazas' ('Pincers'), an old cantaor, almost forgotten, who, it was said, had walked to Granada all the way from Puente Genil, in the province of Cordova, a cross-country hike of some 80 miles. Bermudez sang the first night with powerful duende and carried all before him... he was awarded a thousand pesetas for his first night's acheivement. Another prize-winner was the eleven-year old Manuel Ortega, 'el Caracol' ('The Snail'), destined to become one of the greatest cantaores of the century.” (115)
CHAPTER 9: 1922-3

PUPPETRY

“At the end of January 1923 Federico completed his Law degree, and must have felt immense relief at having proved himself at last in the eyes of his parents. From this moment on, according to Francisco, he never again mentioned the subject of his university career – or was seen to open a law book. The poet was now twenty-three and, having fulfilled his academic obligations, expected that, as promised, his father would let him travel to Italy. But it was not to be, and in May we find him complaining in a letter to Falla that his parents have refused to allow him to join the composer in Rome. Why the veto? We do not know, although it can be surmised that Don Federico was now insisting that it was his elder son's duty to set about finding employment.

But if the poet did not succeed in getting to Italy, at least he was able to persuade his parents to allow him to return that spring for a spell at the Residencia de Estudiantes, after an absence of a year and a half. There he met Salvador Dali, and embarked on a friendship that was to have a profound influence on his life.” (120)

A CATALAN GENIUS IN MADRID

“Born in Figueras, in the Catalan province of Girona, in 1904, Dali had been admitted to Madrid's famous Academy of Fine Arts in September 1922... The Dalis had been recommended to Alberto Jimenez Fraud by the playwright Eduardo Marquina, a friend of the family, and they took straightaway to the atmosphere of the Residencia de Estudiantes, where Don Alberto provided them with accomodation during their stay.” (121)

“The Dali that Lorca met in the early months of 1923 was a violent rebel against conformity in all its manifestations and an avowed enemy of sentimentality and religion, although the influence of Catholocism on his sensibility had been stronger and more permanent than he would have been prepared to allow at the time. Unfortunately, neither Lorca nor Dali seems to have left a contemporary record of their first meeting... We can safely assume, however, that from the moment Lorca set eyes on Dali, six years younger than himself, he was fascinated by the young Catalan's looks, personality and talent. As for Salvador, a passage from the Secret Life gives us to understand that he recognized immediately the charisma and multifarious genius of the poet:

...the personality of Federico Garcia Lorca produced an immense impression on me. The poetic phenomenon in its entirety and 'in the raw' presented itself before me suddenly in flesh and bone, confused, blood-red, viscous and sublime, quivering with a thousand fires of darkness and of subterranean biology, like all matter endowed with the originality of its own form. I reacted, and immediately I adopted a rigorous attitude against the 'poetic cosmos'. I would say nothing that was indefinable, nothing of which a 'countour' or a 'law' could not be established, nothing that one could not 'eat' (this was even then my favourite expression). And when I felt the incendiary and communicative form of the poetry of the great Federico rise in wild, dishevelled flames I tried to beat them down with the olive branch of my premature anti-Faustian old age.” (122-123)

COMIC OPERA AND OTHER PROJECTS

“By the time of the coup [of General Primo de Rivera in September 1923] another major project had begun to take shape in Lorca's mind: a play about the Granadine heroine Mariana Pineda, who had been executed in 1831 at the age of twenty-seven by the repressive regime of Ferdinand VII, on the charge of having embroidered a flag fro the town's liberal conspirators. Lorca had become acquainted as a child in Fuente Vaqueros with the story of Mariana Pineda, about whom ballads still circulated and whose sad end was recalled by the old people in the village. Gradually Mariana had become an obsession with him, and when, in 1909, the family moved to Granada, the heroine's nearby statue, in the square that bears her name, had further stimulated the boy's interest in the reputedly beautiful victim of that tyrannical king.” (130)

“Encouraged by his two friends [Melchor Fernandez Almagro and Antonio Gallego Burin], Lorca worked fast, as was his way when he got the bit between his teeth, reading a first draft of the play to Jose Mora Guarnido before the end of the year... The text was later revised considerably, by the adverse political conditions then prevailing in Spain, among them strict censorship. For four years Lorca would spare no effort to see Mariana Pineda produced – four years of constant disappointments and procrastinations, which, at moments, almost drove the poet to despair.” (131)


CHAPTER 10: 1924-5

GYPSY BALLADS

“the summer of 1924, then, saw the crystallization, as a projected book, of the Gypsy Ballads, which derived directly from the cante jondo cycle written in November 1921 during the preparations for the competition.

It is not necessary to return to the real-life, non-literary circumstances that linked Lorca (first in Fuente Vaqueros, then in Granada itself) to the world of the Andalusian gypsy. Nor need we refer again to the poet's concept of the Gypsy contribution to the creation of cante jondo, deriving in the main from Manuel de Falla. For Lorca, by the time he gave his lecture on cante jondo in 1922, the Gypsy was coming to symbolize the deepest elements in the Andalusian psyche. In Gypsy Ballads this process reaches its logical poetic conclusion.” (134)

“Certainly there has been a great deal of confusion about Lorca's Gypsies. The poet himself was well aware of the problems involved, and on several occasions felt obliged to explain what he had sougt to achieve in the ballads. In 1931, for example, he stated:

Gypsy Ballads is only Gypsy in one or two passages at the beginning. Really it forms an Andalusian retable expressing Andalusia in all its variety. At least that's how I see it. It's an Andalusian song in which the Gypsies serve as the refrain. What I do is to bring together all the various local elements and give them the most visually striking label. The ballads appear to have several different protagonists. But in fact there is only one: Granada.

This definition the poet later completed with some written precisions:

Although it is called Gypsy, the book as a whole is the poem of Andalusia, and I call it Gypsy because the Gypsy is the most distinguished, profound and aristocratic element of my country, the one most representative of its way of being and which best preserves the fire, blood and alphabet of Andalusian and universal truth.

The book, therefore, is a retable expressing Andalusia, with Gypsies, horses, archangels, planets, its Jewish breeze, its Roman breeze, rivers, crimes, the everyday touch of the smuggler and the celestial touch of the naked children of Cordova who tease Saint Raphael. A book in which the visible Andalusia is hardly mentioned but in which palpitates the invisible one. And now I am going to be explicit. It is an anti-picturesque, anti-folkloric, anti-flamenco book, with not a single short jacket, bullfighter's suit of lights, wide-brimmed sombrero or tambourine; where the figures move against primeval backdrops and there is just one protagonist, Anguish, great and dark as the summer's sky, which filters into the marrow of the bones and the sap of the trees and has nothing in common with melancholy, or with nostalgia, or any other affliction or distress of the soul.

The principal actor of Gypsy Ballads then – the poet leaves us in no doubt about it – is a personage called both Anguish (Pena) and Granada. And in these poems, despite their dazzling surface and throbbing vitality, what Lorca is really expressing is his views of Granada, and, by extension, his own underlying sense of doom and foreboding.” (134-135)

“As for the ballad form in itself (octosyllabic lines with the same assonance throughout in the even ones), it was not surprising that Lorca, a born minstrel with a rare gift for reciting his poems, should have felt powerfully attracted by the genre, in both its literary and oral traditions, a genre termed by Juan Ramon Jimenez the 'river of the Spanish language', and whose history, in the view of Lorca's friend the poet Pedro Salinas, is, in good part, 'that of Spanish literature itself'. Lorca explained that, since 1919, he had been deeply attracted to the ballad, feeling that it was the verse form best suited to his temperament. It had been traditionally of narrative character, and what he wished to do was fuse this strain with a lyrical component (Juan Ramon Jimenez had recently written lyrical ballads) in order to produce a new synthesis.” (136)

“Around the eighteen poems of Gypsy Ballads, almost all of them written between 1924 and 1927, there has grown up a huge bibliography in many languages. Beyond any doubt it is the most widely read, most often recited, most studied and most celebrated book of poems in the whole of Spanish literature. From the mythical roots of Lorca's Gypsy world to the identity in 'real life' of some of its characters (such as the English consul of 'Preciosa and the Wind', Soledad Montoya or Antonito 'el Camborio'); from the numerous folkloric reminiscences embedded in these verses (and the not infrequent literary ones) to the symbolic value in them of the moon, fish, bulls, flowers or the colour green; from the recondite allusions to Mithras and Manichaeism to the references to Christ; from the function of the assonating ryhmes to that of the punctuation: there is hardly any aspect of this poetry that has not been worked over by Spanish and foreign critics and scholars. The circumstance proves that, despite the label of 'provincialism' sometimes hung around the neck of Gypsy Ballads, the poems rise above the narrow local limits of their origins.” (136-137)

THE SHOEMAKER'S PRODIGIOUS WIFE AND MARIANA PINEDA

“The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife was destined to be one of the poet's most successful works to be produced, in his lifetime, more than any other of his plays. In it Lorca connected again, as he had done in The Tragicomedy of Don Cristobal and Senorita Rosita, with the Andalusian popular tradition within which his childhood had developed. And the result was a work of perfect balance and symmetry. Music and snatches of verse taken directly from folk tradition, or invented in accordance with that tradition, and the richly metaphorical language of the Vega: these were to be fundamentala elements in the later rural tragedies. As for the theme of the work, here again, despite the guignolesque, farcical aspects and the humour of the play, we find yet another variant of Lorca's omnipresent obsession with amorous frustration and sterility.” (138)

“It seems that it was during this autumn [1924] at the Residencia that Lorca first met a handsome young poet who was beginning to make a reputation for himself in Madrid. Rafael Alberti, like Federico, was an Andalusian, but from another, very different, province – Cadiz. He was born in 1902 in Puerto de Santa Maria, and his passionate love of his native sea and nostalgia for his childhood were reflected in the poems that, in 1925, appeared under the title Marinero en tierra ('Mariner Ashore'). Alberti had heard a lot about Lorca and knew his Book of Poems, while Federico must have read his fellow Andalusian's verses in the small magazines of the day. The time was ripe, therefore, for a friendship that was to prove stimulating to both poets.

Alberti's first love had been painting, but when he and Lorca met he had already taken the decision to devote his energies fully to poetry. Federico begged him to celebrate the occasion of their meeting by painting one last picture for him, and Alberti agreed. In his autobiography La arboleda perdida (1959) – the 'lost grove' of the title is a submerged wood in his childhood paradise by the sea – Alberti evoked the first impressions of Lorca. The poet had invited him to supper (he himself was not a 'resident', but lived nearby) and, afterwards, in the garden, had recited for him the almost hypnotic 'Sleepwalking Ballad'... Alberti never forgot these first hours with Lorca. The recitation was accompanied by the murmur of the Residencia's poplars, and when they parted late that night with was to be as 'cousins' (primos) for ever. (In Andalusian Gypsy terminology to call someone a 'cousin' is to express particularly deep affection.)” (139-140)

“Alberti was also familiar with the game called anaglifos, invented by the 'residents', which constituted in choosing three nouns, the first of which had to be repeated twice, the second to be gallina ('hen') and the last to shock by its phonetic unexpectedness or total lack of logical connection with the preceding words. Jose Moreno Villa gives various examples, of which one will suffice:

El te
El te
la gallina
y el Teotocopuli

...Another fad in the Residencia was the application of the adjective putrefacto ('putrid', 'putrescent') to whatever was considered bourgeois, out-of-date or artistically fetid. No one seems sure who first put the term into currency, although Pepin Bello, renowned for his original ideas, is the leading candidate for the distinction.” (140-141)

“As for the presence of the Residencia in Lorca's work, many of the poems written between 1921 and 1924 and later included in the slim volume Canciones ('Songs'), published in 1927, reflect the atmosphere of the hostel, with its tea-drinking sessions, its humour and its camaraderie. Several of the compositions are dedicated to the 'residents' and other friends who regularly visited the house – among them Jose ('Pepin') Bello, Luis Bunuel, Jose Fernandez-Montesinos, the Englishman Campbell ('Colin') Hackforth-Jones (whom Lorca would see again in New York), Rafael Alberti, Jose Bergamin and the young musicians Ernest Halffter and Gustavo Duran – while 'Nocturnos de la ventana' ('Nocturnes of the Window') is explicitly ascribed to the 'Resi', the window in question being that of the poet's room” (141)

IN CADAQUES WITH DALI

“[In March 1925] Lorca had received two tempting invitations: to give a poetry recital at the Athenaeum in Barcelona and, taking advantage of this visit, to spend Holy Week with Salvador Dali and his family in Figueras and Cadaques. Delighted, he accepted both.

...Cadaques, one of the most attractive towns on the Costa Brava, is cut off from the rest of Spain by the impressive mountain barrier of the Peni, which rises to a height of over 2000 feet, and at the time of Lorca's visit could be reached only by horse-drawn cart: a tiny Mediterranean paradise, as yet hardly touched by tourism. The Dali villa was situated on the edge of the pebbled beach of Es Llane, only a few yards from the water...

The poet was delighted with the town, the Dali family, and the local characters to whom Salvador introduced him... Encouraged by Salvador, Lorca read Mariana Pineda to the Dalis and some selected friends. The event proved a great success. Ana Maria [Dali's younger sister] was in tears when Federico finished, and Dali senior beside himself with enthusiasm, exclaiming that Lorca was the greatest poet of the century... The poet, utterly at home with his hosts, unfolded during his brief stay the rich tapestry of his many talents – impromptu poetry recitals, anecdotes, mimicry, tricks and even the occasional bout of sulking for good measure – and the Dalis were fascinated.” (144)

“Dali was well aware of Federico's obsessive fear of death and of one of his strangest compulsions: the need to act out his own demise and burial... When Lorca moved to Madrid he often put on similar performances for the edification of his companions in the Residencia. Dali, who shared the poet's fear of death, was deeply impressed. Years later he recalled:

I remember his death-like, terrible expression as, stretched on his bed, he parodied the different stages of his own slow decomposition. In this game the process of putrefaction lasted for five days. Then he would describe the coffin, the positioning of the corpse, and, in detail, the scene of the shutting of the coffin and the progress of the funeral procession through the streets, full of potholes, of his native Granada. Then, when he was sure that he had provoked in us a sufficient unease, he would jump up and break out into wild laughter, showing his white teeth; finally, he would push us towards the door and go back to bed, there to sleep tranquilly, liberated from his anxiety.

It occurred to Dali to paint Lorca in this corpse-imitating posture, and during what was clearly an action-crammed Holy Week in Figueras and Cadaques he found time to make some preliminary sketches, while his sister Ana Marica photographed Federico in his recumbent pose. On the basis of these drawings and photographs Salvador began a picture, completed in 1926, in which the influence of the dream world of the surrealists was already apparent. Entitled (in Catalan) Natura morta (Invitacio al son) – 'Still Life (Invitation to Sleep)' – the painting was included in Dali's one-man exhibition held at the Dalmau Gallery in Barcelona at the end of 1926. In the brightly coloured picture the head of the poet, in the form of an heroic sculpture lying on its side, is unmistakable...

this was to be the first of a substantial series of paintings and drawings in which Lorca's head appeared. From the moment of the poet's visit to Cadaques that spring, his presence in Dali's work began to choose almost obsessive, displacing that of Ana Maria, whose ample contours had filled the pictures of the immediately preceding period.” (145-147)

BARCELONA

“Lorca was thrilled and exhilarated by Barcelona. Much more European than Madrid, more alive to new tendencies in the arts, more 'sexy' (the Barrio Chino or red-light district was famous), with a medieval quarter unmatched by anything in the capital (only a village in the Middle Ages), the city was like a Spanish, small-scale version of Paris, with the added advantage of being a Mediterranean port. Lorca never forgot those first impressions... The poet went on to say that he considered himself a 'rabid supporter of Catalonia' – then suffering under the centralist policies of General Primo de Rivera – and that he sympathized with a people 'so sick of Castile'. In March 1924, before he had ever set foot in Catalonia, the poet, along with many other writers, had added his name to a manifesto sent to the government in protest against attempts to limit the use of the Catalan language; since then his dislike of the regime had grown, and now his personal contact with Catalan culture confirmed him in the scorn he had already felt for Primo de Rivera.” (147-148)

“This first visit to Catalonia made a deep impression on Federico. Cadaques remained in his mind with crystal clarity over the next two years as an image of perfect, classical beauty, of harmony and of creativity. The painter and Cadaques were now inseparably linked for him, and shortly after returning to Madrid he began work on his great Ode to Salvador Dali. Lorca's letter to Ana Maria show the extent to which the brief but intensely lived holiday had left its mark. Not a detail had escaped the poet, and his nostalgia had an absolutely authentic ring.” (148)


CHAPTER 11: 1926

“Francisico had been working on his Law doctorate since graduating, brilliantly, in 1922, and often stayed at the Residencia de Estudiantes. Supported by Fernando de los Rios he had now applied successfully for a government grant to enable him to spend the 1925-6 academic session in France, enrolling first at the University of Bordeaux, then at the University of Toulouse. The contrast between Francisco's university career, which made his parents purr with contentment, and Federico's apparent inability to get his plays staged or work published, could not have been more glaring, and must have preyed constantly on the poet's mind. Francisco was doing wonderfully and he, Federico, was a disaster! Lorca must also have pondered on the irony whereby while he was racked by sexual anxiety and condemned to live with socially unacceptable drives, Francisco -'the handsome member of the family', as Federico often pointed out, and it was true – was ebulliently heterosexual and a great success with the ladies. None of this seems to have made Lorca resentful (Federico was not the resentful type), and there is judgement – and talent – he respected. It must have irked the poet, however, that Francisco had succeeded in getting out of Spain with both grant and parental blessing while he, still financially dependent on his father, was chained Prometheus-like to his desk in Granada.” (155-156)

“...in Granada, at the beginning of the year, Lorca and his friends had inaugurated the Scientific and Artistic Athenaeum as a slap in the face for the Arts Club, considered by the Rinconcillo as now irremediably moribund. It fell to the poet to deliver the inaugural address, given on 13 February. Entitled 'The Poetic Image in Don Luis de Gongora', the lecture was the result of a profound meditation on the aesthetic of the author of the contemporary trends, by dint of its objectivity and cult of the image, that and Gongora (1561-1627) ought to be considered the 'father of modern poetry' and Mallarme his 'best disciple' – despite the fact that the French poet almost certainly did not know the work of the Andalusian.

In this lecture, later to be recognized as one of the basic documents of Spanish poetic theory in the 1920s, Lorca expresses his admiration for Gongora's pursuit of 'objective beauty, beauty pure and useless', free of personal confessions and sentimentality; for his fashioning of a highly original mode of linguistic expression, 'a new model of the language'; and for the self-imposed limitations within which the poet chose to work, his efforts to control and shape the metaphorical exuberance of his extravagant imagination. Gongora, he notes, hated those 'obscure forces' of the mind that defy encapsulation, seeking above all clarity, measure and order. And if the Soledades are difficult, this is not the result of a deliberate, perverse pursuit of obscurity for the sake of obscurity, but of the imperious task the poet had set himself of finding 'new perspectives'.

But if Lorca considered Gongora eminently worthy of attentions of modern poets, this was particularly on account of his extraordinary use of metaphor, itself deriving large measure from that Andalusian speech with Lorca, too, had inherited. And the impression is inevitable that here, as in his 1922 lecture on cante jondo, Lorca is really glossin his own work and practice. One passage in particular strikes the attention when Lorca comments that Gongora

harmonizes and makes tangible – at times almost violently – the most dissimilar worlds. In his hands there is neither disorder nor disproportion. As if they were playthings, he picks up seas and geographical realms and furious winds, and merges astronomical sensations with tiny details drawn from the domain of the infintesimally small, with a notion of masses and materials unknown in Poetry until he invented them.

Several years later Lorcc referred in almost identical terms to his own poetry, to the 'taste for mixing astronomical images with insects and ordinary things which are the hallmark of my poetic temperament', asserting that such a tendency was already indentifiable by 1919.” (158-159)

“On 8 April [1926] Lorca was in the Castilian city of Valldolid, which he had apparently not visited since his trip there ten years earlier with Berrueta, to give a poetry reading to the Arts Club. He was introduced by Jorge Guillen, Professor of Literature at the University, with whom he had been corresponding regularly since 1925 and whose poetry and critical acumen he much admired. Guillen's introductory address was no improvisation but rather, a considered appraisal of Lorca's poetic genius. Read now it can been seen to be a text of extraordinary power and intuition. That the audience was about to hear a 'great poet' Guillen had no doubt, nor that one of Lorca's most outstanding strengths was his ability to throw bridges across the gap normally separating poetry for a select minority from poetry for a wide public. 'His poetry, and once traditional and highly novel, while always of the highest quality, demands public recitation in order fully to be itself. (Another lost tradition.) And the public understands it and likes it – very much indeed.” (163-163)

“In May Dali was back in Madrid for the first time, it seems, since the previous summer. He and Lorca had not seen each other for nearly a year although they had corresponded regularly, and we may assume they had a lot to say to each other. It is likely that it was during these weeks that took place, perhaps at the Residencia, a scene not recounted in Dali's Secret Life and evoked by the painter for the first time in an interview with Alain Bosquet published in 1966. Asked about his relations with Lorca during the period when the latter was working on his Ode to Salvador Dali, the painter replied:

He was a pederast, as is well known, and madly in love with me. He tried on two occasions to ... me. That upset me a lot because I was not a pederast, and had no intention of giving in. It hurt, moreover. And so nothing happened. But I was very flattered from the point of view of my personal prestige. Deep down I said to myself that he was a very great poet and that I owed him a little bit of the Divine Dali's arseho...!” (164)

“There seems little doubt, in fact, that Lorca's passion for the painter did indeed lead to various attempts at anal intercourse. The first instance may have been prompted by Lorca's despair on learning from Salvador that he was about to ensure his definitive dismissal from the Academy. There, on 14 June 1926, the painter deliberately cuased a tremendous scene, refusing, before a large audience, to be examined by the board, which he declared incompetent to sit in judgement on someone of his genius, and announcing his withdrawal. His dismissal was instantaneous... Thus ended Dali's academic career.” (165)

“Meanwhile, the possiblility of turning his hand at an academic career again became an obsession with Lorca. At the beginning of September he wrote to Jorge Guillen to inform him of his determination to be a literatur teacher. But how in heaven's name to achieve this? Where to start? Surely Guillen, who was in the business himself, could advise him, along with their mutual friend the poet Pedro Salinas, then teaching at Seville University?

The letter was written from the Huerta de San Vicente, the charming property that the poet's father had recently bought on the outskirts of Granada and renamed in honour of his wife Vicenta. The building (the word huerta implies a combination of farmhouse, orchard and market garden) was typical of the villas that dot the Vega, and grew with a complete naturalness out of the exuberant vegetation that surrounded its white walls. From the balcony of his bedroom window, the poet could look out across the fields to the snow-covered peaks and slopes of the Sierra Nevada, and up over the town to the Alhambra. It was a paradise. 'There's so much jasmine and nightshade in the garden', he told Guillen, 'that we wake up with lyrical headaches'.” (166)


CHAPTER 12: A DECISIVE YEAR

IDYLL WITH DALI

“...in Granada, Federico and his group were busily preparing to launch a literary review. For months Lorca had been pestering his literary friends, among them Jorge Guillen, Guillermo de Torre, Jose Bergamin, Jose Maria de Cassio and Melchor Fernandez Almagro for poems and articles. And now, at last, his efforts were about to bear fruit. The review was to appear as the literary supplement of El Defensor de Granada and be called El gallo del Defensor ('The Cockerel of the Defensor'), a title which did not please Dali and was later modified to, simply, gallo (without a capital).

From Dali the poet requested a drawing of a cockerel to embellish the magazine's cover. This the painter dutifully supplied in February 1927, informing Federico at the same time that he had just begun, of all things, his military service...” (172)

“By the end of January 1927 Lorca was still without word of Margarita Xirgu, and had convinced himself that the great actress was never going to produce Mariana Pineda. But Melchor Fernandez Almagro, to whom he confided his misgivings, soon reassured him. Margarita was certainly going to put on the play, he wrote on 2 February, but things would no doubt move faster if Lorca could escape to Madrid and see the actress personally. Then, on 13 February, Cipriano Rivas Cherif confirmed the good news, informing Federico, officially, that Margarita had committed herself to producing Mariana Pineda that summer in Barcelona, and that she would open the following winter season in Madrid with the play. (173)

“At the end of March, following Melchor's advice, Federico returned to Madrid, after an absence of eight months, to read Mariana Pineda to Margarita Xirgu and her company and settle details of the play's forthcoming premiere in Barcelona. Present at the reading were Melchor Fernandez Almagro, Cipriano Rivas Cherif and the latter's forbidding brother-in-law Manuel Azana, head of the Athenaeum Clum, and, a few years later, Prime Minister and President of the Republic.” (174)
“During May and June Lorca came and went between Barcelona, Figueras and Cadaques as preparations pushed ahead for the premiere, scheduled to take place at the end of Margarita Xirgu's season, which had opened on 16 April and was to continue until early July.

Lorca lived these months with great intensity, free of his parents' vigilance and carping. The art critic Sebastia Gasch has described his first meeting with Federico that summer... One day Gasch received a note from the painter [Rafael Perez Barradas], inviting him to meet his friend Federico Garcia Lorca. The name rang no bell in Gasch's head, but he accepted the invitation none the less. He never regretted it. Lorca delighted him with his mixed array of talents, his combination of extraordinary sensitivity and Andalusian vehemence ('he breathed 'South' through every pore'), his charm.” (175)

“Gasch records various anecdotes relating Lorca's stay in Barcelona. One day, for example, he accompanied Federico to the Athenaeum Club, introducing him there to some of the members of the day's 'most famous and feared cenacle':

After the de rigueur introductions and a few polite words, one of the members asked in the same tone that he would have used to speak to a foreigner: 'And where are you from, young man?'

At that time, in the middle of General Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, Catalan nationalism had acquired a ferocious intransigence. Lorca, on whom there were no flies and who understood at once the ultranationalist intention behind the question, raised his arm solemnly – as he would do habitually when about to make some significant statement – and replied in a tone half challenging, half proud: 'I am from the Kindom of Granada!'” (175-176)

“At last , on the night of 24 June, the curtain went up on Mariana Pineda. The premiere was a considerable success, and the audience demanded that the author appear on the stage with Margarita Xirgu at the end of the act, when both received an enthusiastic ovation...

...The press reaction to Mariana Pineda was generally indulgent, and the majority of the critics grasped Lorca's intention that the work should have the feel of a story recounted in the broadsheets of the nineteenth-century ballad-singers or, more precisely, of the etchings of the period, in accordance with its subtitle, 'A Print in Three Acts'. With the purpose of emphasizing the analogy with framed etchings, Dali had conceived sets that gave the impression of a stage within a stage. His designs were warmly praised by the critics (for their simplicity and sober use of colour), although a few dissidents felt that their modernism was incompatible with the period costumes.” (177)

“Margarita Xirgu, whose performance all the critics praised, was as delighted as Federico with the play's success, and repeated her promise to open her autumn season with it that October. When the two separated at the beginning of July the poet had the satisfaction of knowing that his career as a dramatist was genuinely under way, while the actress was convinced that in Lorca she had found a playwright of undoubted talent capable of producing work far superior than Mariana Pineda. Echoes of the success soon reached Madrid and Granada, as they did of Lorca's impact on the many Catalan writers and artists with whom he was now associating in Barcelona.” (177)

“It had been been a fabulous summer [1927] for the poet. Not only had he seen Dali frequently over the two and a half months but he had made many new friends and renewed his acquiantance with others. Ana Maria Dali has recalled nostalgically the impromptu guitar concerts given at night on the terrace by their mutual friend Regino Sainz de la Maza, Federico's insistence that she should read Ovid's Metamorphoses ('It's all there!' he exclaimed), and the poet's marvellous ability with children, which was reflected in the imaginative games he invented for two little friends of the Dali household who often came to visit them. One of these games he called 'The Letters from Margarita Pepita'. Ana Maria Dali remembered:

One afternoon, while we played on the beach, Federico suddenly pretended to catch a piece of paper that came floating down through the air. 'It's a letter from Margarita Pepita!' he said. And he read it out: 'Dear Children, I am a white horse with the wind in my mane and I'm looking for a star. Look, now I'm galloping in search of it! But I can't find it. I'm tired, I can do no more, my tiredness is turning me into smoke... Look how the shapes are changing!' We all sat looking. And, in effect, the mane seemed to separate from the neck... the tail grew impossibly long... and the legs became wings... Suddenly we saw the evening star appear on the horizon and we shouted: 'The Star! The star!'

Another day, one of the children gave Federico a stone to read, and the poet improvised again:

Dear children, I've been here for many, many years. The happiest were when I was the roof of an ant's nest. They were so certain that I was the sky that I believed it. Now I know that I'm only a stone and this memory is my secret. Don't tell anyone.” (187-188)

“The many photographs taken by Ana Maria during the summer, most of them on the villa's terrace overlooking the bay of Cadaques, reveal a radiantly happy Lorca: we see the poet engaging in thought transmission with Dali (his head connected to that of the painter by the belt of his white beach-wrap) as they work on a 'manifesto'; 'acting dead' or posing in the role of a pensive Moor on the African coast; swimming bravely one yard from shore; sporting the fisherman's shirt specially made for him by Ana Maria; playing with the children; standing proudly beside Dali in his army uniform (Salvador did not finish his military service until the following February) or sitting with his hand on the painters knee... Federico is a picture of contentment.” (188)

“Before catching the train to Madrid he wrote to Salvador, expressing his love for Cadaques in terms identical to his friend's (clarity, sharp contours, mineral precision)...

...Now I realize how much I am losing by leaving you. The impression I get in Barcelona is that everyone is playing and sweating in an effort to forget. Everything is confused and aggressive like the aesthetic of the flame, everything indecisive and out of joint. In Cadaques the people feel on the ground all the sinuosities and pores of the soles of their feet. Now I realize how I felt my shoulders in Cadaques. It's delicious for me to recall the slippery curves of my shoulders when for the first time I felt in them the circulation of my blood in four spongy tubes which trembled with the movements of a wounded swimmer.” (188-189)

SUMMER IN GRANADA

“Towards the end of the holidays, Lorca found himself possessed of a creative frenzy that compelled him above all to draw. The family were spending a few weeks at Lanjaron at the time... and Federico wrote to [Sebastia] Gasch to thank him for the amiable review of his Barcelona exhibition just published in L'Amic de les Arts, to attempt, at the same time, a clarification of his present state of mind:

I'm extremely gratefult to you for all the kind things you say, because they help me more than you can imagine to draw, and really I'm enjoying myself very much with these drawings. Before I begin, I propose themes to myself and then I achieve the same result as when I have nothing particular in mind. Naturally, at the moment I'm in a state of sensitivity that is almost physical in quality, and which transports me to levels where it is difficult to stay on one's feet and one is almost hovering over an abyss. I find it almost impossible to sustain a normal conversation with the people here at the spa, because my eyes and my words are somewhere else – in the vast library which nobody has read, in the fresh breeze, in a country where things dance on one leg.

In another fragment, perhaps from the same letter, the poet tried again to explain the process that had taken hold of him: his hand, he said, seemed to have acquired a sort of autonomy, casting itself out into the depths like a fishing line and bringing back a brilliant, unexpected catch of ideas and metaphors which formed themselves into fascinating shapes and lines on the paper...

...The poet was in a state of hypersensitivity – and aware of the dangers that this implied. Gasch, concerned about what was happening to his friend, quickly wrote again. The letter seems to have gone astray, but from Lorca's reaction to it we can get a fair idea of the Catalan's misgivings. At another point in this incomplete correspondence the poet writes:

In effect, you are quite right in everything you say to me. But my state is not that of a 'perpetual dream'. I expressed myself badly. For several days I was close to a dream state, but I didn't fall into it completely and anyway I was held back by my good humour, and sustained by a solid wood scaffolding. I never venture into territory uninhabited by man, because I immediately turn on my tracks and almost always tear up the products of my trip. When I produce something purely abstract his always has (I believe) the safe conduct of good humour and a human sense of balance... My state is always happy, and this dreaming of mine isn't dangerous in my case, because I have defences: it's dangerous only for the person who allows themselves to be fascinated by the large, dark mirrors that poetry and madness place in the depths of their canyons. IN ART I KNOW THAT I HAVE FEET OF LEAD. It's in the reality of my life, in love, in daily contact with others that I fear the chasm and the dream world. This, yes, is terrible and fantastic.” (190-191)

MARIANA PINEDA IN MADRID

“With the arrival of autumn Lorca returned to Madrid where, true to her word, Margarita Xirgu was preparing to open her season in the capital with Mariana Pineda, after its necessarily short run in Barcelona, had been fabourably received in San Sebastian...

...The [opening] night was a great success, and even the few hostile critics could not avoid recoding the extreme enthusiasm of the audience: bursts of applause constantly interrupted the performance, and at the end of each act Lorca's appearance on the stage was demanded. Among the many friends present was Rafael Alberti, who recalls in his autobiography the intense excitement pervading the theatre that evening, an excitement not unrelated to the suspicion that the play might be banned at the last moment, or even during the performance, by General Primo de Rivera's censors, always alert to the possible political implications of theatrical works... But the script had presumably been submitted previously to the authorities and, in the event, the evening passed off without a hitch. During an interval Alberti introduced Lorca to a young Andalusian poet, Vicente Aleixandre, whose work was beginning to appear in the 'little magazines' then flourishing throughout Spain. Aleixandre, who years later received the Nobel Prize for Literature, was to become one of Lorca's closest friends and one of those who best understood the complexities of his personality.” (193)

“At the end of May, when Lorca and Dali were in Figueras and Barcelona preparing Mariana Pineda, Bunuel had returned to Madrid to lecture on avant-garde cinema at the Residencia de Estudiantes... The energetic Aragonese was beginning to see himself, in fact, as one of the principal Spanish representatives of the Parisian avant-garde, a John the Baptist to the uninitiated barbarians south of the Pyrenees, for who Bunuel was not slow to express his petulant scorn.

From Bunuel's letters to Jose Bello at this time it is clear that the budding film-maker was becoming increasingly jealous of the intense relationship that now existed between Lorca and Dali...

...[On 5 September,] After providing Bello with some bawdy gossip and up-do-date information about his film activities, he launched into his most ferocious attack on Lorca and Dali to date:

Federico sticks in my craw incredibly. I thought that the boyfriend [Dali] was putrescent, but now I see that the other is even worse. It's his awful aestheticism that has distanced him from us. His extreme narcissism was already enough to make a pure friendship with him impossible. It's his look out. The trouble is that his work may suffer as a result.

Dali is deeply influenced by him. He believes himself to be a genius, thanks to the love Federico professes for him. He's written to me saying: 'Federico is better than ever. He's the great man, his drawings have genius. I'm producing amazing work, etc.' And then, of course, his successes in Barcelona are so easily achieved. How I'd love to see him arrive here and renew himself far from the dire influence of Garcia! Because Dali is a real male and very talented.”

...from this moment onwards Bunuel did everything in his power to wean Salvador away from the poet and to encourage him to move to Paris. (196-197)

GONGORA IN SEVILLE

“In December Lorca was in the Residencia to give his by now celebrated talk on Gongora... It had been delivered on the eve of the departure for Seville of an enthusiastic group of young writers invited by the city's Arts Club to participate in a series of readings and lectures in honour of Gongora and comprising Lorca, Rafael Alberti, Gerardo Diego, Damaso Alonso, Juan Chabas, Jorge Guillen and Jose Bergamin. On the train south with the 'seven Madrid literati', as El Sol termed them, was the celebrated bullfighter Ignacio Sanchez Mejias, at once the begetter of the idea to visit Seville and the Maecenas who financed the operation.” (197-198)

“Sanchez Mejias was born in Seville in 1891, the son of a distinguished doctor. Having completed his secondary education, and already sure that he wanted to be a bullfighter, he had escaped to Mexico where, for the first time, he donned the matador's 'suit of lights'... Ignacio reached the pinnacle of his career between 1919 and 1922, in which year he effected the first of what was to be a series of temporary retirements from the ring, with the intention of devoting himself to flamenco, the theatre and literature, in all of which he was passionately interested... Then, in 1925, he revealed new aspects of his gifted personality, publishing widely read bullfighting chronicles in the Seville press and playing a part in the film La malquerida, based on Nobel prizewinner Jacinto Benavente's rural drama of that name. Ignacio had an urge, too, to write plays, and by December had completed Sinrazon ('Without Reson'), inspired by the theories of Sigmund Freud and set in a lunatic asylum. The play was staged, with moderate success, in Madrid the following year.

Sanchez Mejias, then, was no normal bullfighter... He had soon separated from his wife and, in 1927, found in Lorca's friend the dancer and singer Encarnacion Lopez Julvez, 'La Argentinita', the great love of his life, which did not prevent him from enjoying flirtations on the side... Marcelle Auclair [French writer and hispanist who met Ignacio in the early 1930s] wrote that Federico, whose knowledge of bullfighting was limited, admired in Sanchez Mejias the man 'capable of make of his life a duel, loyal but crazy, with love and death: a gigantic fiesta'. In that duel, death was finally to carry the day.” (198)

“In Seville, Lorca renewed old friendships – with Jose Bello, for example, who had been living there since the previus year – and initiated some new ones, in particular with Fernando Villalon and Luis Cernuda.” (199)

“On the outskirts of Seville Ignacio Sanchez Mejias owned a charming estate called Pino Montano, where he organized an apparently lavish party for the young writers from the capital. The guests were constrained to dress as Moors, Ignacio dispensing to each a heavy Moroccan chilaba... Lorca was moved to entertain the gathering with one of his many party pieces – improvised sketch and mime... The fiesta reached its climax in the early hours of the morning with the arrival of the great Gypsy cantaor Manuel Torre (whom Lorca had met in 1922 during the cante jondo festival in Granada) and the guitarist Manuel Huelva, bosom friends of the host. Torre sang that night with powerful, spine-chilling duende. 'He was like a hoarse, wounded animal, a deep well of anguish,' Alberti recalled. When the guests began to discuss the mystery of this primitive music, the Gypsy produced an expression that caught the imagination of those present. 'In cante jondo', he pronounced, 'what we have to search for constantly, until we find it, is the black trunk of the Pharaoh.' In other words, a means of connecting with a tradition that, according to Gypsy lore, stretches back to the days when the tribes roamed Egypt.” (201)

“the visit of the 'Brilliant Pleyade' to Seville ended officially with the poetic 'coronation' – a fresh olive-sprig cut by Ignacio Sanchez Mejias was employed – of Damaso Alonso, the acknowledged authority on Gongora among the young admirers of the Cordovan poet and the 'objectivity' of contemporary art. It was the culminating act in a year of Gongora celebrations, and from this point onwards the cult of 'pure poetry', of 'aseptic art', would begin to lose hold on Lorca and his generation. The experience had been valuable and the battle against sentimentality largely won. Now the stage seemed set for the return to a more human art, an art less concerned to play down emotion and to avoid social issues.” (201)

“Over Christmas Lorca heard from Sebastia Gasch, who informed him that Dali was greatly taken with the recently published 'Saint Lucy and Saint Lazarus', having written to him enthusiastically on the subject. The letter (which almost certainly Lorca never saw) shows that the painter immediately perceived the importance of the piece: Federico's 'marvelous text', he had written to Gasch, illustrated to perfection his tenet that art should be 'objective'; and it showed, moreover, what a sentimental influence his Saint Sebastian had exerted on the Granadine poet. 'Lorca seems to be coinciding with me in a lot of things – oh paradox!'...

...Lorca was making little attempt at this time to hide from Gasch the intensity of his feelings for Salvador, although in the excerpts from the poet's letters to the Catalan critic it seems undeniable that some too personal observations were diplomatically expurgated by the editors. One passage deserves to be quoted:

Every day I am more convinced of Dali's talent. He seems unique to me, and has a serenity and clarity of judgement in his thinking which is deeply moving. He gets things wrong and it doesn't matter. He's alive. His extreme intelligence is fused with a disconcerting infantility, in a mixture as unusual as it is absolutely original and attractive. What moves me most about him at the moment is his constructivist (that is to say, creative) delirium, in which he's seeking to create out of a vacuum, struggling and engaging in bursts of activity with such faith and intensity that it's incredible. Nothing could be more dramatic than his objectivity and search for happiness for the simple sake of happiness. He hasn't forgotten that this was alwayss the Mediterranean law – 'I believe in the resurrection of the flesh', says Rome. Dali is the man who takes on ghosts with an axe of gold... Dali won't allow himself to be driven. He needs to be at the wheel himself and, moreover, [there is] his faith in astral geometry. He moves me deeply. Dali gives me the same pure feeling (may God our Father forgive me!) that I get from the baby Jesus abandoned in his crib, with the seed of the crucifixion already there under the straw of his cradle.” (202-203)

“From his earliest writings onwards Lorca left a record of the tortuous nature of his path through life. 'His is a spiral path,' Eutimio Martin has written in a commentary on [the poem 'Spiral', written November 1922],

oscillating from right to left, from left to right, from a mystical pole to an erotic one, his soul torn between an irresistible tendency both towards the most diaphanous spirituality and towards carnal appetites as irrepressible as they were heterdox. Under the burden of this 'spiral' anguish Lorca entered 1928.

This puts it aptly. Lorca was never able fully to resolve the conflict that raged in his psyche between God and Dionysus: all he could do was to attempt to come to terms with it, to seek for survival through its expression in his art. But at different moments in his life not even that art sufficed to shield him from deep, almost suicidal depression. At the end of 1927 – a year rich in diverse acheivements and new friendships – Federico's spirits were in part sustained by the conviction that soon he would see Dali again. But he was mistaken, and, in the event, painter and poet were not to meet again for seven years.


CHAPTER 13: 1928

GALLO

“...what was especially occupying Lorca's mind, time and energy [during early 1928] was the review gallo, about to appear at long last. Life and soul of the group of young Granadine writers who for years had been trying to get this project off the ground, Lorca, despite his urge to return to Madrid, stayed in the town until the end of Apri or early May in order to see to the final details...

...By the end of February the first isssue of gallo had been put together, and, on 8 March, the eve of publication, Lorca and his friends organized a banquet to celebrate their acheivement. The evening passed off uproariously. Varous speakers held forth on the aims of the new publication and the symbolism of its title. Gallo, they affirmed, signified the beginning of a new era, the death knell of Romanticism in the town, 'the serenity and beauty of the present moment', and expressed the 'desire for renewal' felt by all those associated with the project. Federico, in a state of considerable euphoria, stressed in his speech the unity of criteria binding together the members of the group who, if their love of Granada could not be gainsaid, had their eyes firmly fixed on Europe. Although written and published in Granada, gallo was going to be an anti-provincial review for the outside world, stimulating local renovation by reflecting contemporary trends. Hopefully, he mused, it would generate a reaction against those tight-fisted granadinos who consistently failed to appreciate – much less to support – the arts. Lorca was calling, in fact, for the implementation of Angel Ganivet's little-heeded programme of thirty years earlier for the forging of a 'universal' Granada.” (206)

“Federico wrote delightedly to Sebastia Gasch to tell him about the scandal produced by the review's appearance. In two days the copies had been sold out (it is not known how many were printed, but presumably not many), and these were now exchanging hands at double the price. 'In the University there was a great fight yesterday between gallistas and no gallistas,' the poet exaggerated breathlessly, ' and in cafes, groups of people and homes there is no other topic of conversation.'...

...The gallistas had set out conscientiously to irritate the Granadine bourgeoisie, and they succeeded admirably. (206-207)

“At the beginning of April... Mildred Adams, a journalist on the New York Times when touring Spain, arrived in Town, duly armed with letters of introduction to Antonio Gallego Burin and other local notables. During her brief stay she got to know Lorca, four years younger than herself – and was entranced... 'In gesture, tone of voice, expression of face and body, Lorca himself was the ballad,' Mildred Adams recalled fifty years later in her book on the poet. Federico introduced her to the other members of his entourage, and one Sunday afternoon took her up the hill to meet Manuel de Falla at his box-scented carmen looking out over the Vega. Mildred Adams left Granada with copies of gallo under her arm – the perfect souvenir of an unforgettable experience – and a year later, when the poet visited New York, was to return the hospitality.”

EMILIO ALADREN

“...despite his intense feelings for Dali, the poet had now got himself deeply involved with a young sculptor called Emilio Aladren Perojo, who had entered the School of Fine Arts in 1922, the same year as Salvador. Eight years younger than Lorca, Emilio had been born in Madrid in 1906, the son of a military officer from Saragossa... The lad was splendidly handsome, with jet-black hair, fine features, large, somewhat oblique eyes – he had a slightly Oriental look – and a passionate, Dionysian temperament. Federico had already met him by 1925, but it seems that they became close friends only in 1927...

...most of Lorca's other friends, including Dali, had developed a strong dislike for him, both as an artist and as a person, and felt that his influence over the poet was highly detrimental. Lorca, however, was undaunted, and enjoyed showing him off at parties as 'one of Spain's promising young sculptors'. According to Jose Maria Garcia Carrillo, Federico's outrageously uninhibited homosexual ally in Granada, Lorca's relationship with Aladren provoked considerable jealousy among his other friends, leading at times to violent scenes... Jose Maria Garcia Carrillo knew Lorca very well indeed. They corresponded frequently (only fragments of letters have come to light), and whenever the poet was in Granada got together to swap stories and accounts of their activities, sexual and otherwise. It is fair to assume, therefore, that Garcia Carrillo's recollections of Aladren are substantially true. 'The sculptor was Federico's great love,' he once confided. 'He was the reason why Lorca wanted to get away from Spain, to escape... He was the cause of everything.' (209-211)

“Among Lorca's intimate friends the only one who has provided any information at all about Federico's relationship with Aladren is Rafael Martinez Nadal, who first met the poet in 1923. Martinez Nadal has recalled that Lorca took Aladren everywhere, introduced him to everybody and found in him, for several years, 'a source of joy'...” (211)

THE PUBLICATION OF GYPSY BALLADS

“As the summer of 1928 wore on, Lorca's friends eagerly awaited the publication of Gypsy Ballads. The book went on sale at the end of July, and was an immediate, all-out success. Writing in El Sol, Ricardo Baeza, who had predicted a year earlier, in his review of Songs, that the book would lead to the 'enthronement' of Lorca as the finest poet of his generation, stated that Lorca had succeeded in forging 'the most personal and singular instrument of poetic expression in Spanish since the great innovations of Ruben Dario'. No higher praise could have been lavished on the poet than this. In a few weeks, as sales of the book soared, Federico became famous. Nothing like it had ever been known before in Spain. Poetry actually selling? It was unheard of.” (212)

“We know disappointingly little about the poet's relationship with [Jorge] Zalamea, an intelligent young Colombian and aspiring writer of fragile appearance, born in Bogota in 1905, who had a passion for Goethe and a tendency to get noisy and excited when he took one whisky too many. That the relationship was intense there can be no doubt, however, as the correspondence from this summer shows.

Lorca had written to Zalamea soon after arriving back in Granada, hoping for a quick reply. When this did not appear, he wrote again, worried. The second letter reveals the poet's fast-growing celebrity was beginning to prey on his mind. 'I need my privacy and need it desperately,' he wrote, 'And if I'm frightened of stupid fame it's for this very reason.' Lorca was experiencing the quandary of many writers who achieve sudden renown: having one's books well known is one thing but it is quite another being scrutinized publicly oneself.” (123)

“Lorca's reply to Zalamea showed the extent to which he was torn by conflicts this summer:

Dear Jorge,
I have received your letter. I thought you were angry with me. With all my poor little heart (unhappy child of mine!), I give thanks that you are as you were before, the first time. You're unhappy, but you shouldn't be. Make a plan of your heart's desire and live in accordance with it, always following a norm of beauty. This is what I do, dear friend. How difficult it is! But I do it. I'm a bit against everybody, but the living beauty that I press with my fingers compensates me for all the unpleasantnesses. With deep emotional conflicts, and feeling myself racked with love, with filth, with nastiness, I hold to and follow my norm of happiness at all costs. I don't want to be defeated. You mustn't allow yourself to be defeated. I know exactly what's happening to you...

...It saddens me that nasty things are happening to you. But you must learn to defeat them at all costs. Anything is preferable to being consumed, broken, crushed by them. I have just resolved, using will-power, one of the most painful states in my life. You can't imagine what it's like to spend entire nights at my window looking out at nocturnal Granada, empty for me and without the slightest consolation of any kind.

And then... trying constantly to prevent one's feelings from filtering into one's poetry, because that would be to open's one's most intimate self to the scrutiny of those who should never see it.” (214-215)

“Dali continued to prey on Lorca' mind. At the beginning of September the poet received a long, coherent letter in which the painter voiced his dissatisfaction with Gypsy Ballads. These, despite containing 'the most fabulous poetic substance that has ever existed', Dali found in large measure too traditional, too 'local', too anecdotal, too tied to 'the lyrical norms of the past'. Even Lorca's most arresting metaphors Dali judged stereotyped and conformist...

...Salvador then proceeded to address himself to Lorca in a more personal tone. In Gypsy Ballads, he said, he had perceived the true Federico – the erotic little 'beastie' that he knew so well, with his longings and his terror of death, his 'mysterious spirit made up of silly little enigmas and of a close horoscopic correspondence, and your thumb in close correspondence with your prick and with the dampness of the lakes of saliva of certain species of hairy planets that don't exist'. After this extraordinary and authoritative observation (Dali clearly knew what he was talking about), he continued:

I love you for what your book reveals you to be, which is quite the opposite of the idea the putrid philistines have put out about you, that is , a bronzed gypsy with black hair, childlike heart, etc. etc... You, little beastie, with your fingernails, with your body sometimes half possessed by death, or in which death wells up from your nails to your shoulders in the most sterile of efforts! I have drunk death against your shoulder in those moments when you abandoned your great arms, which had become like two crumpled sheaths of the insensitive and useless folds of the tapestries ironed at the Residencia. The day you lose your fear, and shit on the Salinases of the world, give up Rhyme – in short, art as understood by the swine – you'll produce witty, horrifying, intense, poetic things such as no other poet could. Goodbye, I BELIEVE in your inspiration, in your sweat, in your astronomical fatality...” (216)

“Dali, unknown to Lorca, was now drawing increasingly close to Luis Bunuel, who had just visited him in Cadaques and pressed him to escape to Paris as soon as possible. Bunuel, as might have been expected, disliked Gypsy Ballads intensely...

...Bunuel's detestation of Andalusia (which, like Dali, he had never visited) was well known among his friends at the Residencia de Estudiantes, and there can be no doubt that such scorn... would also have told on Dali, always so impresionable.” (220-221)

“[During September of 1928] Lorca was going through another patch of depression, and told Jorge Zalamea that he had had a terrible summer. 'I need all the happiness that God has given me', he wrote, 'in order not to collapse under the pressure of the many conflicts which have assailed me of late. But God never abandons me.' He had managed to continue working, feverishly. 'After constructing my odes, in which I place such hopes,' he went on,

I am now closing this cycle in order to do something different. Now I am writing a vein-opening poetry, a poetry of escape from reality, in which all my love of things, my tenderness for things, is reflected feelingly. Love of death and scorn for death. Love. My hearth, that's it.

'Be happy!' the poet ended his letter to his Colombian friend. 'We must be happy. It's our duty to be happy. I'm telling you, as I go through one of the worst and most unpleasant moments in my life.'” (221)

“In these months, the poet, racked by emotional disturbances, returned, albeit briefly, to the faith of his childhood, which, moreover, he had never entirely lost, despite his rejection of organized religion. In his references to the crisis, whether to Zalamea or to Gasch, Lorca invariably uses the same vocabulary: he is being knocked around, lashed, attacked by deep emotional conflicts, by passions which he has to overcome or defeat. He feels that he will succumb in the unequal struggle. In his fight against despair, he has to recourse to will-power. By engaging himself feverishly in his work, he tries to forget. And so on. It was little wonder that, at this time in his life, Lorca felt drawn back, irresistibly, to the Christ so ubiquitous in his early work: the loving, crucified Jesus, friend of sinners, the halt and the lame. And also, in the poet's conception, of the sexually tormented.” (223)
“At the beginning of 1928 Lorca had listed, among the many projects then engaging his attention, a lecture on Spanish lullabies. This was finally delivered on 13 December, at the Residencia de Estudiantes. All Federico's musical and poetic talent had been brought to bear on a subject close to his heart, and in his attempt to explain the deep-rooted melancholy of these songs he had cast his mind back to his childhood in the Granadine Vega – fount of vivid memories – and evoked for his audience the peasant women who, time out of mind, had performed the admirable service of transmitting to the children of the affluent, who would not have come by it any other way, the store of Spanish folk poetry and romance. Without these women, he gave his listeners to understand, he would not have been the poet he was.” (225)


CHAPTER 14: ESCAPE

CRISIS

“Bunuel, although not yet officially a member of Andre Breton's group, believed that he was now in possession of surrealist truth, and was pontificating on the subject in letters to Jose Bello, initiating his fellow Aragonese into the mysteries and techniques of automatic writing. With his characteristic vehemence, Bunuel was ready to attack – verbally, at least – anyone who dared to oppose his views...

...It seems certain that Bunuel, whose relationship with Dali continued to grow closer, had been redoubling towards the end of 1928 his attacks on Lorca, designed to undermine Dali's affection and admiration for the poet. In January he spent a fortnight with Dali in Figueras. There they worked together, with great seriousness, on the script of the film that, after various hesitations about the title – one suggestion was the facetious Il est dangerex de se pencher en dedans [literally, 'it is dangerous to lean in inside, -PG] – would be called Un chien andalou ('An Andalusian Dog'). On 1 February La Gaceta Literaria provided details of Dali's and Bunuel's joint project, explaining that the script was 'the result of a series of subconscious states, expressible only in the cinema', and predicting international interest in the experiment. As for the film's definitive title, it appears that, in the Residencia de Estudiantes, Dali, Bunuel, Jose Bello and others usted often to refer jocularly to their companions from southern Spain, of whom there were many, as 'Andalusian dogs' (perros andaluces). Of these dogs Lorca was undoubtedly the leader, and it may well be that, in conceiving and elaborating the character of the protagonist of the film... Bunuel and Dali had Lorca partially in mind. Certainly the poet seems to have been convinced that this was so for in, in 1930, Angel del Rio told Bunuel in New York that Lorca had said to him during his sojourn at Columbia University: 'Bunuel has made a tiny little shit of a film called An Andalusian Dog – and I'm the Dog.'” (229)

“Lorca's parents were aware that their eldest son was passing through a period of depression. One day, probably in February 1929, when we know that the poet's father was in Madrid, the latter called on Federico's friend Rafael Martinez Nadal to ask him 'what was wrong' with his son and whether, in his view, a change of air would do him good. Martinez Nadal did not reveal all he knew about Federico's problems, but said that a trip outside Spain would undoubtedly be beneficial to the poet. Not long afterwards Lorca began to tell people that soon he was going to travel to New York with his old ally and professor Fernando de los Rios, who was leaving in June to lecture at Columbia University.” (231)

“That Lorca was in a disturbed state of mind that March there is no doubt, and this probably lay behind an unusual episode that occurred towards the end of the month...

The people of Granada profess intense devotion to the Virgin of the Sorrows, patroness of the city. In this, Lorca, with his Catholic upbringing, was no exception, and in the period leading up to Holy Week 1929 he felt the urge to draw close to the Virgin, perhaps to ask for protection in days of extreme unhappiness. The Guild of Saint Mary of the Alhambra, little active before 1929, had decided to organize this year its first Holy Week procession, explaining in the local press that its aim in so doing was to link even more firmly Granada's two great sources of pride – The Virgin of the Sorrows and the Alhambra. The procession was to leave the Church of Saint Mary of the Alhambra shortly after midnight on Holy Wednesday (27 March) and, after descending through the woods of the Alhambra, to make its way around the town centre. The expectation aroused in Granada by this announcement was enormous, and Lorca must have been aware of it.

Shortly before the procession began a problem arose. A person had arrived in the church imploring permission to march with the members of the Guild. He had, he said, promised the Virgin to accompany her on this her first outing, and had come to Granada with that sole purpose. It was Federico Garcia Lorca. The request posed problems, given the strict rules of the Guild and the fact that no spare penitent's habit was available. But Lorca was Lorca and finally a solution was found: it was decided that the poet should take the place of one of the standard-bearers, men not in fact members of the Guild although they too wore the penitent's habit and conical, Ku-Klux-Klan style hat. Federico, deeply grateful, was soon dressed in his identity-cloaking garb, and proceeded to kneel before the image of the Virgin – if we can trust the one eye-witness to the event – in an attitude of prayer. According to the same account Lorca walked at the head of the procession, barefoot, carrying one of the Guild's three heavy crosses, 'which he did not rest once upon the ground during the four hours that the event lasted' (an exaggeration, surely?). [source cited: Gomez Montero -PG]

The occasion proved a huge success. The Alhambra Wood, lit by hundreds of coloured flares, took on the appearance of a sacred grove, while, high above, the bell of the Vela Tower tolled out over the town. The following day El Defensor reported that the procession's progress through the wood had been something 'beyond the wildest imagination'. At the end of the proceedings Lorca had disappeared as silently as he had come. Affixed to the cross there was a note. 'May God reward you', it said simply. Having fulfilled his vow to the Virgin the poet returned to Madrid. No mention of his visit appeared in the local press, and almost forty years were to pass before his connection with the Guild of Saint Mary of the Alhambra was discovered.

...On 20 May 1929, a few months after the procession, Lorca applied formally to be admitted to the Guild. Heated discussions took place among the members, some of them considering that the request was sincere, others that it was another instance of the poet's 'snobbery' – whatever they may have meant by that. Finally he was accepted, although there seems to be no record of any future participation by him in Guild activities.” (232-33)

GOODBYE TO GRANADA

“...Lorca returned to Granada to be present on 29 April at the opening night of Mariana Pineda, which Margarita Xirgu and her company were to perform as part of their season in the Teatro Cervantes. The premiere, inevitably, was a resounding success, given the Granadine theme of the play, the excellence of Margarita Xirgu and her supporting cast and, not least, the fact that Lorca, the local boy made good, was now the most famous young poet in Spain. The theatre was packed, and the audience insisted that Federico take a bow at the end of each act.

On 5 May a banquet in honour of the poet and Margarita Xirgu was held in the Alhambra Palace Hotel... Constantino Ruiz Carnero, editor of El Defensor de Granada, who pronounced the speech of welcome at the banquet, praising the art of Margarita Xirgu, 'our greatest actress', and that of Lorca, 'the most brilliant of Spain's young poets'. The speaker was applauded when he said:

Garcia Lorca is a poet of universal horizons, but profoundly Granadine, who in a short time has conquered the highest position in contemporary Spanish poetry. This ought to be proclaimed out loud, without fear that there may be someone ungenerous enough not to recognize it.

Moreover, we want to destroy the stupid, traditional belief that it is always people from outside who discover what is good in Granada. It was we granadinos who discovered Garcia Lorca, the renovator of Spanish lyrical poetry, and it was we who told Madrid and the rest of Spain: 'We're sending you a poet born in Granada, and who expresses all the splendour of this prodigious land that is Andalusia.

In reply, Federico recalled, without bitterness, the long struggle it had taken to get Mariana Pineda produced, two years earlier, and expressed his deep admiration for, and gratitude to, Margarita Xirgu... Lorca went on to express the unease at finding himself well known in the one part of the world where he needed, he said, to be left severly in peace. 'It is as if they had wrenched my childhood from me,' he explained, 'and I never want to feel responsible, where I want only to live quietly in my house, resting and preparing new work.' 'If God continues to help me and one day I become really famous,' he added, 'half that fame will belong to Granada, which made and fashioned this creature that is me – a poet from birth and unable to help it.'” (235-236)

“On 6 June Federico wrote to Carlos Morla Lynch. He was excited, he told the Chilean diplomat, about his forthcoming trip – but surprised that he had actually decided to leave. He saw clearly that it was vital for him to get away from Spain, and had no doubt that the experience would prove highly beneficial, calculating that he would spend six or seven months in America and then visit Paris for the rest of the year abroad. As for New York, 'I think it's a dreadful place and that's why I'm going,' he stated bluntly, adding that he believed he would have a very good time there. That good time would be guaranteed by Don Federico Garcia Rodriguez's purse ('Papa is going to give me all the money I need and is pleased about my decision') and by Fernando de los Rios's promise to smooth out whatever initial difficulties might arise.” (237)

“Lorca, Fernando de los Rios and Rita Maria [Troyano de los Rios, Fernando's niece] boarded their train to Paris on the morning of 12 June [1929], and were seen off at the Estacion del Norte by a numerous group of well-wishers that included the poets Pedro Salinas and Jorge Guillen and Federico's great friend from the days of the Residencia de Estudiantes, Jose ('Pepin') Bello. With them on the train was a young nature-loving American student and poet from Vermont, Philip Cummings, who had first met Lorca at the Residencia de Estudiantes the previous year. This summer he had renewed his acquaintance with the poet and briefly visited Granada, where Federico had introduced him to his parents and taken him to see the sights, including the Gypsy caves of the Sacromonte. Cummings, delighted by the Sierra Nevada, had insisted that, when Federico got to New York, he must spend some time with him in Vermont, where he would be shown what America could do in the way of mountains and lakes. During the journey Cummings and Lorca chatted endlessly. The New Englander later wrote an account of his friendship with the poet in which he recalled these conversations. Federico, he recorded,

talked for hours to the rythmic click of the wheels over the rails, of what life was for an that man was always playing hide-and-seek with death. I asked him what the meaning of life really was to him. His reply was simple. 'Felipe, life is laughter amid a rosary of deaths; it is a look beyond the braying man to the love in the heart of the people. It is being the wind and ruffling the waters of the brook. It is coming from nowhere and going nowhere and being everywhere with many fears around you.”
(238-239)

“At one in the morning on 19 June 1929 [Salvador de Madriarga and his wife, Constance] saw Fernando de los Rios and Federico off at the station, and ten hours later the SS Olympic, of the White Star Lines, drew away from the quayside at Southampton with the two Andalusians safely aboard...” (241)


BOOK TWO: FROM NEW YORK TO THE FOUNTAIN OF TEARS 1929-1936

CHAPTER 1: NEW YORK

FIRST STEPS IN THE 'SENEGAL WITH MACHINES'

“The crossing from Southampton to New York was made in perfect conditions... [Lorca] felt far from happy, however, and in a note to Carlos Morla Lynch said that he was depressed and homesick and missing deeply his visits to his friend's house. 'I don't know why I left, and ask myself a hundred times a day,' he wrote; 'I look at myself in the mirror of the narrow cabin and seem another Federico.' (245)

“By 1929 the cinema had made New York's silhouette the most famous symbol of modern life in the world. Fritz Lang's Metropolis, clearly inspired by Manhattan, was admired by millions when it appeared in 1927. The film, called by Bunuel, 'the most amazing book of images every composed', reached Madrid in January 1928, ans was shown in Granada that February. It is almost certain that Lorca saw it, and that he was deeply impressed by its vision of the dehumanized, robot-controlled society of the future. Many other films of the day and age were also set in New York – and Lorca was an avid cinema-goer. Jazz, Prohibition, crime organized on a scale inconceivable in Spain, with Al Capone as its supreme artificer, Charlie Chaplin, Buster Keaton, Harold Lloyd, the Black revues, faster and faster motor cars, bigger and bigger aircraft: these were the emblems of America, and America was epitomized by New York...

...As for Walt Whitman, Lorca must have known the admiring sonnet dedicated to the bard by Ruben Dario, and had read him, perhaps superficially, in the anthology published in a competent translation by Armand Vasseur in 1912. Whitman had been one of the poets most lionized in the Madrid of the early 1920s by Guillermo de Torre and the ultraistas, and something of this enthusiasm may have rubbed off on Lorca. The fact of Whitman's homosexuality, allied to his passionate championship of personal freedom, cannot have failed to interest the Spaniard, and in the self-affirmative lines of the author of Leaves of Grass Lorca may have found encouragement in his attempts, often accompanied by depression, to accept his own 'deviation' from the 'norm' of heterosexual love.

Fernando de los Rios, without whose friendly concern Lorca would not have crossed the Atlantic, must have told the poet about his experiences in the United States, which he had already visited twice, and what he might expect to find in New York... Like all good Andalusians, Don Fernando love the cante jondo of his native South, and as a result was appreciative of the Black music he had heard in Cuba and New York, which seemed to him to have affinities with it. We may assume that he and Lorca discussed these matters and that, before he landed in New York, the Granadine poet was already eager to visit Harlem for himself.” (246-247)

“[Federico de Onis, an early collaborator of Jimenez Fruad's in the Residencia, and 'one of the leading lights of the Spanish cultural scene in New York at the time] took it upon himself to solve the accomodation problem, helping Lorca to enroll as a student of English at Columbia and finding him a rooom on the campus in Furnald Hall. He was adamant that the poet should under no circumstances consider staying at the celebrated International House down the road in Riverside Drive, Knowing that in such a cosmpolitan setting Federico would never learn a word of English.” (248)

“Lorca had discovered, not without surprise, that given the layout and numerical nomenclature of New York's streets he could find his way around quite easily, and went on to tell his parents he felt 'acclimatized'. 'New York is incredibly lively and welcoming,' he wrote. 'The people are naïve and charming. I feel good here. Better than in Paris, which I found a bit decayed and old.' The previous night he had visited downtown Broadway with Garcia Maroto, Leon Felipe and the Puerto Rican writer Angel Flores. The spectacle impressed him deeply, as it had Juan Ramon Jimenez some years earlier, above all the skyscrapers resplendent from top to toe with neon advertisements, the crowds flowing up and down the streets, six deep each way, the cars and the aeroplanes. New York, he was already convinced, was 'the most daring and modern city in the world'.” (249)

“[The Englishman and fellow 'resident' from the past in Madrid Colin] Hackforth-Jones' father was a stockbroker and had sent his son to New York to gain experience in the office of one of his Wall Street associates. Federico could have found no better guide to show him around the Stock Exchange and... he was staggered by what he saw. He wrote home:

It's the spectacle of the world's money in all its splendour, its mad abandon and its cruelty. There'd be no use in my trying to express in words the immense tumult of voices, cries, people dashing hither and thither, lifts, all engaged in the poignant, Dionysian exaltation of money... This is where I have got a clear idea of what a huge mass of people fighting to make money is really like. The truth is that it's an international war with just a thin veneer of courtesy.

We ate breakfast on a thirty-second floor with the head of a bank, a charming person with a cold and feline side quite English. People came there after being paid. They were all counting dollars. Their hands all had the characteristic tremble that holding money gives them. Through the windows we could see the panorama of New York capped with great trees of smoke. Colin had five dollars in his purse and I three. Despite this, he said to me: 'We're surrounded by millions and yet the only two decent people here are you and I'.” (250)

“In his first letter home Lorca told his parents about his meeting with Philip Cummings on the train to Paris, and that this friend had invited him to spend some time with his family during the summer. Cummings had rented a cabin on the shores of Lake Eden, in Vermont, and the invitation was geniune. Soon after Federico arrived in New York he wrote to Philip and told him that he was in despair and needed to see him. Cummings replied at once, enclosing the rail fare for the trip. But by then the poet had enrolled on his English course, and decided that he must first see it through...

...Lorca approached his English course with an unwonted seriousness and, though he did not sit the examination, held in the middle of August, attended class regularly. It was something of a miracle, and suggests that he had come to see that a knowledge of English, no matter how rudimentary, would be useful to his career. If he worked at the language this would also have the advantage, of course, of keeping his parents happy, and he was keenly aware of that necessity... Despite his initially good intentions the command of English acquired by the poet during his nine months in New York was minimal, although, if we can believe Adolfo Salazar (himself a competent linguist), he did eventually pick up a considerable number of words, pronounced appallingly.” (251)
“Federico de Onis, almost as deeply interested in Spanish folk music and poetry as Lorca, decided to make full use of the poet's aptitudes in that direction, asking him to take charge of the student's choir that was to perform an evening of Spanish songs later in the summer. Lorca agreed. Appointed 'Director of Mixed Choirs of the Instituto de las Espanas in the United States', he took his work seriously and trained up the students to a considerable degree of proficiency. The concert was given on 7 August, and the poet's conducting and accompaniment at the piano were much praised.” (252)

“When [the journalist Mildred Adams] heard that Lorca was in town she could hardly wait to see him again. The meeting took place in early July at the house of some mutual Mexican friends, and during the following weeks the two saw each other several times. On 7 August, after the concert at the Instituto de las Espanas, Mildred organized a party for Lorca at her parents' luxurious flat. The poet wrote home:

If I didn't have the friends I do in New York, my separation from you would be extremely painful, but the truth is that I'm being extremely well looked after. Maroto, who always argues with everyone, says: 'Wherever you go you're the spoilt child and the centre of attention. Wherever you are there's no room for anyone else. It simply isn't fair.' And it's true that I have marvellous friends who are making my life really exciting. Last night there was a party at Miss Adam's house (she belongs to one of the best families in NY), a party specially given for me, to introduce me to her friends. A lot of really nice people went. Quite a good pianist played music by Albeniz and Falla and the girls wore Spanish shawls. In the dining room, oh bliss!, there were bottles of sherry and Fundador brandy. In short, a delightful time. Naturally I had to do my song bit, and sang soleares accompanying myself on the guitar. It was a great success.

Lorca had no gift for languages but, as this and his other letters home show, he did not need one: his musical abilities opened all doors and were the principal key to his success in New York. His friend the poet Damaso Alonso, who arrived in the city several months later, witnessed a typical scene at a wild party thrown by some millionaire:

People were scattered throughout the spacious salons in small gesticulating groups, where the drinks were beginning to produce their effect. Suddenly, the excited and dispersed mass moved as of one accord in the direction of the piano. What had happened? Simply that Federico had begun to play and sing Spanish songs. The people there didn't know Spanish or have any notion of Spain. But such was the power of his expressivity that their minds were penetrated by a never-seen light and their hearts gnawed by an unknown, sweet bitterness. (253)

“Lorca always vibrated at high speed, and soon adapted himself to the vertiginous pace of New York, living his first weeks there with great intensity, as his letters home (the only ones we have) demonstrate... A visit to a Nonconformist Protestant service convinced him of the utter banality of this alternative version of Christianity. 'I can't imagine', he told his parents, 'how anyone could be a Protestant. It's the most ridiculous and odious thing in the world.' And he went on to describe the proceedings: at the head of the church, right in the middle there was an organ instead of a high altar; in front of this, in a frock coat, stood the minister, who delivered a sermon; the congregation sang some hymns – and then the worshippers emptied out into the street! 'Everything human, everything consoling, everything beautiful is suppressed,' recounted the horrified poet. Moreover, he had discovered that Catholicism in America was vitiated by its contact with Protestant coldness. From his vantage point in New York the poet now appreciated as never before what he saw as the warmth, dignity and cordiality of Spanish Catholicism, with its fervent cult of the Virgin.” (254)

“Lorca had lost no time in starting to penetrate the world of the New York Blacks. Shortly after his arrival he met Nella Larsen, the daughter of a Black father and Danish mother, who had just published her second novel, Passing. This likeable woman had taken the Spaniard under her wing and together they visited Harlem...

...Within a few weeks of arriving in New York, then, Lorca had not only begun to make friends among the Blacks but felt able to ratify Fernando de los Rios's perception about the affinity between their music and the cante jondo of Andalusia. Perhaps remembering De los Rios's account of his visit to a Harlem church, the poet quickly made a point of attending a service in the Black quarter, accompanied by Sofia Megwinoff, and maybe by then had begun to frequent Small's Paradise... one of Harlem's leading clubs... The urge to express poetically the predicament of the American Black, as Lorca undertsood it, soon made itself felt, and he told his mother and father on 8 August that he had begun to write. 'They are typically North American poems,' he explained, 'and almost all of them have a Black theme.' He added, perhaps to impress his parents, that he hoped to take back to Spain 'at least' two books.” (255-256)

“The poem ['The King of Harlem'] suggests that Lorca had perceived a connection, not only between Black music and cante jondo, but between the predicament of the Blacks, condemned to third-class citizenship in a situation of virtual apartheid... and the Gypsies of Andalusia, harassed by an intolerant society... If the Gypsies, in Lorca's view, were the victims of a harsh, insensitive society, was this not even more true of the American Blacks trying to survive in a dehumanized, machine-dominated world? Suddenly the poet must have grasped that he had his subject, a subject thematically related to his earlier work but which would allow him greater freedom of movement and a more revolutionary treatment.

'The King of Harlem', written little more than a month after Lorca arrived in New York, constitutes a ferocious attack on the materialistic values of contemporary capitalist society and an impassioned plea on behalf of the Blacks. In its anger and denunciation of oppression it goes further than any of the poet's previous work... And when Lorca foresees the day in which the Blacks will rise up against their oppressors and Nature reassert her claims to the land usurped by the city we feel that he is talking not just about the liberation of the Blacks, but about all oppressed minorities, including his own homosexual one...” (256)

LAKE EDEN, BUSHNELLSVILLE, AND NEWBURGH

“On 16 August 1929 the Columbia term ended, and next day Lorca boarded a train for Vermont, arriving at Montpelier Junction the following morning. Philip Cummings and his father were there to meet him in the family's Model-T Ford... After the heat and noise of New York, Lorca was exultant as the car wound its way northwards through the foothills of the Green Mountains in the direction of Eden Mills and the Canadian border...

...The cabin rented by Philip for August stood on the very edge of Lake Eden, flanked and backed by woods... The leaves were beginning to turn – autumn comes very early in Vermont – and there was already a nip in the air. There had been a touch of frost, it rained frequently, and each evening a mist descended on the lake, from whose depths at night came the forlorn call of the loon which, according to Cummings, affected Lorca deeply 'because he was feeling lonely about many things', Within a month the first fall of snow was expected and it was hardly surprising, given the poet's frame of mind at the time, that, after the initial pleasure of being in the countryside had subsided, the place soon depressed him.” (259-260)

“The ten days the poet spent with Philip affected him deeply... That September, after Lorca had left, Cummings organized, with a view to publication, the diary he had kept fitfully during the month. It is a delicate, moving document, couched in a rather quaint English, and reveals a love of the earth akin to the poet's. One passage reads:

I went walking through the woodland this morning with the Spanish poet who has just come. He found many delightful thoughts in the woods. As we crossed the road to the shore he noticed all the little rolled-up bits of dust and said, 'Each is a little world, with its own shadow.' Then when we [were] going through the thickets of dogwood he said that these were the protestations of the woodland that its virginity be unviolated by we trespassers. One decaying stump was for him the ruin of the city of Babylon, another became a castle. It was soft nearly in powder and the poet, great child that he and all poets are, knelt and shaped of the white punk material a castle. He covered it with moss and there it stood – first a mere rotten birch stump, now a historic castle of the plains of La Mancha in faraway Spain. He watched me push over a few rotted trees and he said that I was a Cyclops intent on destroying the weak and unfit. In other words what had always been a lovely woodland to me had become for him something symbolic. (260)

“[In] an urgent message to Angel del Rio, whom it had been planned he would visit immediately after his stay with Cummings... the poet explained that, while the family were charming and doing everything possible to make his visit enjoyable, he could not wait to get away. It was raining constantly; he found the landscape beautiful but infinitely sad, and the woods and lake were plunging him into 'a state of almost unbearable poetic despair'; he was pursued by memories of his childhood... he was writing all day and feeling exhausted by nightfall. Moreover, there was no alcohol available in Eden Mills, and the poet desperately yearned for the brandy that he knew awaited him at his Spanish friend's summer retreat.” (262)

“The poet spent twenty days with Angel and Amelia del Rio in their rented cabin at Bushnellsville, near Shendaken, days which he described to his parents as 'delicious'. No doubt he was happy to be back, safe and sound, with Spanish friends – and the brandy must have helped too. Lorca wrote in a frenzy, played with Stanton and Mary Hogan, the farm owner's children, and went for walks in the woods with Angel...

...Angel del Rio had told us that Lorca spent most of his time with them that summer writing and that, as well as letting them hear his new poems, he read them fragments of The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife, Don Perlimplin... The Public, and Asi que pasen cinco anos ('When Five Years Pass').” (266-267)

RETURN TO THE METROPOLIS

“On 21 September 1929 Lorca moved into room 1,231 at John Jay Hall, in the centre of the Columbia campus, where he would remain until the following January. Eight days later he was formally invited by the Institucion Hispano Cubana to visit Havana in early 1930, and as a result his forthcoming escape to the Caribbean must never have been very far from his thoughts during his last six months in the city.” (267-268)

“Did Lorca have any contact with the gay scene in New York? It appears so. One day Angel Flores, the editor of Alhambra, who was two years younger than Federico, took him to Brooklyn to meet Hart Crane, then putting the finishing touches to The Bridge. A party was in full swing, and they found the American poet surrounded by drunken sailors. Crane was interested in things Spanish but did not speak the language... Flores realized at once that Crane and Lorca had a lot in common, starting with a shared interest in sailors, and withdrew discreetly. As he left he looked back. Crane was joking in the middle of one group, and Lorca was holding forth in the centre of another.” (271)

“Federico excitedly recounted to his parents what he had seen when the Crash brutally shattered the euphoria of the Wall Street Boom. For more than seven hours, he said, he had joined the crowd outside the Stock Exchange: it had been a hell of shrieking men and women, exhausted officials slumped to the ground, faintings, the siren of ambulances and, of course, the suicides, one of which Lorca claimed to have seen with his own eyes, just after the man leapt to his death from a hotel window. The poet soon converted what he had witnessed into the stuff not only for several poems but of his habitual exaggerations, and the one suicide became six. Undoubtedly the spectacle greatly affected him and served to intensify the anti-capitalism which had already appeared in his early work...

...It was the same voice that eleven years earlier, in Impressions and Landscapes, had hurled abuse at the municipal authorities of Santiago de Compostela for their failure to provide decently for the children abandoned in the ruined hospice. But now the denunciation is directed not so much against individuals as against the ethos of a whole society, and ethos, moreover, from which a corrupt Catholic Church complacently refuses to disengage itself, as Lorca insists in his great poem 'Grito hacia Roma' ('A Cry in the Direction of Rome'). In New York, as he grappled with the problem of his own self-acceptance, the poet was human suffering on a scale hitherto unimagined, and began to move closer to a Marxist analysis of the human condition, influenced too, no doubt, by Fernando de los Rios, who by this time was one of Spain's leading socialist thinkers.” (272-273)

CINEMA AND THEATRE

“Soon after his arrival in New York Lorca had started to intimate discreetly, in his letters home, that his monthly allowance was hardly sufficient to enable him to go to the theatre. That he had quickly perceived the relevance of contemporary American plays to his own future as a dramatist there can be no doubt. 'The theatre here is magnificent and I hope to derive great benefit from it for my own things.' he told his parents that August [1929]. The complaints about money continued, usually linked to his desire to see theatre...

...When Lorca told his parents about the 'new theatre' existing in New York, it seems that he was thinking not so much of the great commerical successes of the day as of the off-Broadway fringe theatres such as the Neighborhood Playhouse, the Theater Guild and the Civic Repertory, all of which were thriving at the time and putting on interesting modern plays. It is probable that Lorca got to know the two remarkable sisters who had found the Neighborhood Playhouse in 1915, Irene and Alice Lewisohn, and who would produce an English-language version of Blood Wedding in 1933.” (277)

“If these were the days of the Jazz Age, they were also those of the Black musical, which the poet told his parents was 'one of the most beautiful and sensitive spectacles imaginable'. Three Harlem theatres – just down the road from Columbia – were famous at this time for their Black revues: the Lafayette, the Lincoln and (this must have amused Lorca) the Alhambra. The Whites who frequented these theatres were impressed by the sheer vitality of both the actors and the audience, which they found highly contagious. Lorca and the theatre critics coincided in noticing how, at these shows, the Whites laughed with an uninhibited spontaneity unknown on Broadway.” (278)

LAST DAYS IN NEW YORK

“In the last letter that Lorca is known to have sent to his parents before leaving New York, written in January 1930, the poet announced that in March he would be setting off for Cuba, where he would give 'eight or ten lectures'...

...Lorca had been productive over the Christmas and New Year period... [writing] poems redolent of death, disgust, horror and pity, set in a nocturnal landscape of cemeteries, vomit, hospitals and wharfs where moribund patients and drunken sailors reel under the moon and brusque shifts of tense express the emotional dislocation that inspired them. Perhaps of particular biographical interest is 'Little Poem of Infinity', where the poet states bluntly that to 'take the wrong road is to arrive at Woman', and rejects the view that heterosexual love, with its reproductory nature and alleged harmonization of opposites, constitutes a necessarily desirable aim.” (279)

“...on 6 February, Ignacio Sanchez Mejias and his lover, the dancer Encarnacion Lopez Julvez, had arrived in New York. The latter gave several highly praised concerts and Lorca saw her frequently, working with her on the harmonizations of Spanish popular songs, which, when they were back in Spain, they would record for His Master's Voice. On 20 February Ignacio gave a lecture on bullfighting introduced by Lorca.” (281)

“Federico's days in New York had come to an end, and La Prensa informed its readers that the poet was awaited eagerly in Cuba. Lorca had decided not to travel by boat, as would have been more usual, because, as he told Jose Antonio Rubio Sacristan, he wanted the crossing from the United States to be as short as possible – his fear of the sea was still with him. On 4 March 1930 he boarded a train for Tampa, some 1,300 miles away. It is now known how, if anyone, accompanied him to the station, nor if he was given a send-off by his friends. Surprisingly, his last hours in New York have not been chronicled.

Lorca arrived in Tampa on 6 March and embarked immediately on the American steamer Cuba, which arrived the following afternoon in Havana.

The New York correspondent of Diario de la Marina, Havana's most important newspaper, commenting at the time on Lorca's stay in America, wrote that the poet was leaving Manhattan more Spanish, more Andalusian, more Granadine, than ever. No doubt it was true. In his reaction against the metropolis, in his struggle for emotional survival in an environment initially so hostile to everything he had known previously, the poet had come to appreciate, far from home, how passionately he loved his native land.” (281)


CHAPTER 2: CUBA

HAVANA – FUENTE VAQUEROS – CADIZ

“Cuba! Ever since Lorca was a child in the Vega of Granada it had been a magic name. He had listened with precocious delight to the languid habaneras sung by his Aunt Isabel and other members of that musical family and, as he was to explain to his new friends in Havana, some of his earliest impressions of the island derived from the exotic labels inside the boxes of cigars his father received directly from Cuba...

...In his lecture and recital on New York and Cuba, first given in 1932, the poet did not mention his long train trip from Manhattan to Miami [Tampa? -PG], giving his audience to understand that he had travelled by boat. Doubtless it was more picturesque to leave New York as he had come, by sea. The description of his arrival (on the morning of 7 March 1930) left nothing to the imagination:

But what's this? Spain again? Universal Andalusia again?

It's the yellow of Cadiz, a bit stronger, the pink of Seville just turning carmine and the green of Granada with a slight, fish-like phosphorescence.

Havana emerges among bamboo groves and the sound of maracas, Chinese horns and marimbas. And in the harbour, who comes to meet me? The dusky Trinidad of my childhood, the one who 'went walking one morning along the quayside in Havana, down the quayside in Havana went walking'. [Gibson's footnote: Trinidad was the protagonist of one of the habaneras Federico had learnt as a child and from which these lines are taken]

And here come the Blacks with their rhythms, which I suddenly realize derive from our great Andalusia – friendly Blacks, with no anguish, who show the whites of their eyes and say: 'We are Latins...'”
(282-283)

“Federico would come to feel increasingly during his stay that Andalusia and Cuba were linked by subtle filaments of temperament and culture, and his intuitions about the Andalusian influence on Cuban music would be fully confirmed as he got to know several authorities on the subject, among them Fernando Ortiz. As for the mulatto youths, with their chocolate-coloured skin and breathtaking bodies, Lorca was by all accounts almost speechless with admiration; and if we can believe the few indications it is now possible to glean about his private life in Cuba, he soon began to pursue them.

One of the first things the poet did on arriving was to contact Antonio Quevedo and Maria Munoz, a Spanish couple who had been living in Havana for several years and were well known as lovers of the arts, particularly music. Maria, an excellent pianist, had been a pupil of Manuel de Falla in Madrid, and in Havan founded with her husband the Bach Music Conservatory, the review Musicalia and the Society of Contemporary Music. The Quevedo's house... was a leading centre of culture in the capital, and Spaniards arriving in Cuba to lecture were made welcome there. A few weeks before he disembarked, the Quevedos had received a letter from Falla in which the composer asked them to look after the poet, speaking with deep appreciation of Federico's abilities. 'If I tell you that this poet and musician is one of my best friends in Granada, that is only half the truth,' he wrote, ' for he is also, for many reasons, one of my followers whom I most admire from all points of view, and moreover, in the matter of Spanish folk tradition, he is a splendid collaborator.' Falla had continued:

When God decides that an artist of such quality should be born, capable of not only assimilating the technique necessary for his work but of going beyond what in technique is merely mechanical (and this is the case with Garcia Lorca in his arrangements of Spanish folk songs), we realize the enormous difference between that which is the product of teaching and that which wells up of its own personal, creative accord, stimulated by that teaching.

I don't want to say anything more about our Federico, but simply to entrust him to you and your friends and pupils. He deserved whatever you can do for him, both as a person and as an artist. I would like to see in Federico an extension, as it were, of myself. (284)

A MISLEADING ACCOUNT OF LORCA'S STAY IN CUBA

“There is an account that indicates the degree to which Antonio Quevedo and Maria Munoz were unable to keep tabs on Lorca, despite an obvious desire on their part to monopolize him. This concerns the poet's visit to Santiago de Cuba. Lorca had promised to give a lecture in the city – at the other end of the island, more than 600 miles away – on 5 April. But due to the success of his lectures in Havana this became impossible, and in the event he did not travel to Santiago until the end of the month. Antonio Quevedo could never be convinced that Lorca really went there, claiming that, had he done so, the poet would certainly have informed him and his wife. But the fact is that Federico told hardly anyone about the visit, slipping away, as he often did when the party was in full swing, without saying a word. The Quevedos were the unwitting victims of the poet's ability to make everyone feel that he or she was his only friend at the time – a two-edged ability that could lead on occasions to ugly, jealous scenes.

His forthcoming trip to Santiago inspired the only poem Lorca is known to have composed in Cuba. Federico was a excited by the Afro-Cuban music he heard in Havana as he had been by the jazz of Harlem, and showed particular interest in the variety known as the son, then all the rage, a highly sensual dance, similar to the rumba, with a mixture of African and Spanish elements. Federico was soon an addict. He made friends with the best soneros, trying their instruments of African origin and quickly picking up the complicated rhythm; and his nights in Havana habitually ended in the fritas of the district of Marianao, famous for its music. Suddenly out of all of this came inspiration, and when Lorca set off for Santiago at the end of April he had the manuscript of his poem 'Son' in his pocket...”
(286-287)

THE THEATRE ALHAMBRA

Lorca coincided in Cuba with a young, twenty-six-year-old Guatemalan poet called Luis Cardoza y Aragon, who had just been appointed his country's consul in the island. The meeting took place in the offices of the literary journal Revista de Avance, and before long the two were friends...

...One day Cardoza went to see Lorca in the clinic where he had some moles removed from his shoulders, fearing that they might become cancerous – among the poet's numerous obsessions that of developing cancer was one of the most tenacious, as the Loynaz family, who had also visited him in the clinic, became aware. The Quatemalan found the poet propped up happily in bed, surrounded by a group of admiring Blacks and singing sones with a maraca and a huge red celluloid fish at his feet. Remembering this scene in 1936, numbed by the terrible news of the poet's assassination, Cardoza y Aragon referred to Lorca's extraordinary charisma, his unremitting fear of death and his method of working – with complete abandonment to the creative impulse when this made itself felt, which could produce in him a sort of frenzy. Lorca wrote, according to Cardoza y Aragon, only when he could no longer bear the strain of not expressing what he was feeling. The practice of poetry, by this token, was absolutely necessary to Federico's survival as a person, and the observation has been confirmed by other friends of the poet.” (293)

THE PUBLIC AND ODE TO WALT WHITMAN

“It is difficult not to sense in The Public, as in several of the New York poems, a reflection of the anguish that took hold of the poet when his relationships with Dali and Aladren foundered; and, in general, not to find in the play an attempt to come to terms with his homosexuality and the problem of having to live in large part a double life. In the harsh recriminations that the characters hurl at each other, in the jealousy that torments them, in their bursts of venomous spite – in all of this we may be justified in feeling that Lorca is expressing his own experience. Moreover, the scorn with which the Centurion refers to homosexuals mirrors only too accurately the attitudes with which Lorca was familiar in Spain.” (296)

“The Public is a revolutionary play from many points of view. Both a reflection on the contemporary theatre and itself a highly original dramatic work, it was far in advance of its time both in its proclamation of erotic liberty and its treatment of this theme. (Genet did not arrive on the scene for twenty years.) If the work owes an obvious debt to surrealist theory and practice, it cannot be considered strictly surrealist, for at no time, despite the starkly oneiric atmosphere of the play, had Lorca abandoned himself completely to the dictates of the unconscious. It is, above all, an angry and even bitter work, in which we sense the anguish of a writer condemned by an unjust society to mask his true self.

This anguish found further expression in the Ode to Walt Whitman, one of the least understood of Lorca's poems. At the end of what was certainly the first draft of the ode the poet wrote 'June 15'. It seems likely that the unspecified year in question was 1930, and, if this hypothesis is correct, the first draft of the poem was finished at sea two days after Lorca left Cuba. Whether it was begun on the island or in New York we do now know, although the latter possibility seems more plausible.

Lorca's Whitman, as well as being the lover of Nature, sincerity and simplicity, symbolizes a homosexuality free equally of shame and promiscuity, and has an almost religious seriousness. This Walt does not drink alcohol, and if he loves male bodies he is careful not to frequent the sordid world of male prostitution, with its exploitation of the young, and, often, its sado-masochistic undertones. Whitman here is an archetypal male with no womanish traits and, above all, the poet of friendship. (Lorca knows that one of his key words is 'comrade'.) The diatribe – for much of the poem is that – is directed not against homosexuals as such, but against the effeminate variety and those who 'corrupt' others, all of it from the point of view of a hypothetically 'pure' homosexuality free of blemish.

The ode suggests that, despite his efforts, Lorca had not yet come to terms with his sexuality. The cruel use made in the poem of the word marica ('effeminate gay'), the evocation of such individuals in terms of rats, mud and cloaca, seem out of all proportion to the implied shortcoming of the group, and one is bound to wonder if the poet has not fallen prey to some sort of defence mechanism whereby he deprecates in others what he fears in himself. There is some external evidence to support this view. The Granadine poet Luis Rosales, for example, has stated that Lorca told him that he was terrified that people would think he was a marica, and Cipriano Rivas Cherif, himself homosexual according to many of Lorca's friends, recorded some relevant words reputedly spoken to him by Federico in 1935:

I've only been with men; and you know that the invert, the marica, makes me laugh with his womanish urge to wash, iron and sew, to wear skirts, to speak with feminine gestures and manners. I don't like it.

The discussion between the two homosexuals on just this subject in the second scene of The Public comes immediately to mind: what is important is to be manly. It seems quite clear, on the face of it, that this was one of Lorca's great hang-ups.” (296-298)

“Almost inevitably, there are conflicting accounts of Lorca's last hours in Havana, although about the date of his departure there can be no doubt: it was 12 June 1930...

...'An unforgettable episode,' Adolfo Salazar termed their Atlantic crossing. Federico's talents unfolded 'like the wings of the praying mantis', and nobody was allowed to escape. Along with the rest of his inexhaustible repertoire the poet sang Spanish and Cuban songs, with and without the complicity of the ship's piano, and hardly a passenger or member of the crew failed to join in. Discipline began to be so affected that, when the Manuel Arnus reached Cadiz, on 30 June, the captain allegedly swore that if the voyage had lasted another two days he would have thrown himself overboard in despair. (302)


CHAPTER 3: THE COMING OF THE REPUBLIC

SUMMER IN GRANADA AND MALAGA

“On 1 July 1930 Lorca was once more in Granada, where his arrival was duly registered by the local press, both the Noticiero Granadino and El Defensor de Granada expressing their pride in the poet's acheivements on the other side of the Atlantic and pointing out that, if Lorca had gained by his visit, so too had the prestige of Spanish literature in those parts...

...And Fernando de los Rios? The great socialist thinker and politician, back at Granada University since the fall of Primo de Rivera, now occupied a key position among the opponents of the monarchy, who were busily preparing for the coming of democracy.” (303)

MADRID AGAIN

“At the beginning of October Lorca was back in Madrid, after an absence of fifteen months. There he was interviewed about his American experience for the Heraldo de Madrid by his friend Miguel Perez Ferrero...

Perez Ferrero had heard rumours about a sensational drama that the poet had brought back from America. Lorca now revealed, so far as we know for the first time to the press, that it was called The Public. 'It comprises six acts and an assassination,' he explained, going on to express his doubts as to whether the work could ever be performed, since the main characters were horses. Soon afterwards Lorca began to read the play to carefully selected friends, and the general view was that, whatever the merits of the strange work, there was no chance whatsoever that it could be staged at the moment.

But what about Lorca's other plays? The poet spoke to Cipriano Rivas Cherif, who at the time was planning to revive his experimental theatre company Caracol which, since the Primo de Rivera authorities closed down Don Perlimplin in 1929, had given no sign of life...[Rivas Cherif] undertook to produce The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife...[and was] literary adviser to Margarita Xirgu who, on 16 September, had opened a season at Madrid's municipal theatre, the Teatro Espanol. Between the three it was agreed that Caracol would produce the play that Christmas with Margarita in the lead role.”
(305-306)

“On 24 December [1930] the curtain of the Teatro Espanol went up on The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife. That morning the poet explained in a newspaper interview his intentions in the play, stressing the function therein of the chorus (the neighbours who comment on the action), which, he said, now seemed to him an essential element of the theatre. The observation suggests that Lorca had been reading ancient Greek drama as well as listening to Rivas Cherif, for whom the return of the chorus was a matter of vital importance, and in this respect the play can be seen to look forward to Blood Wedding and Yerma, where the device is given a much fuller treatment. Lorca was careful to stress that The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife, whose first version he had begun several years earlier, did not represent his current theatrical practice. 'No,' he said in the same interview,

it isn't my real work. My real work will come later... I've already got something... something. What's coming later will be my real work. Do you know what I've called it? The Public. That's it... that's it... powerfully, powerfully dramatic.

It was an arresting statement. Over the next few years Lorca would try in vain to have The Public produced, and it seems legitimate to assume that it was on account of this failure that, desperate to achieve financial independence, he decided to draw again on the Andalusian tradition he knew so well, a tradition already tapped in The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife and the earlier puppet plays.” (307)

“The premiere was a success. Lorca himself had read the witty prologue to the play ('he could be a splendid actor if he decided to,' commented one paper), decked out in a resplendent star-spangled cape, and the audience loved Margarita Xirgu's vicious Zapatera...

...All in all The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife did remarkably well, running for some thirty performances before it came off in April. One of the most positive results was that the relationship between Margarita Xirgu and Lorca was greatly strengthened, a factor that may well have encouraged the poet to continue writing for the theatre.” (307)

“If what really interested Lorca at the time was the health of the Spanish theatre, he can have had little cause for elation when he returned to Madrid that January. It is true that, in the Fontalba, the Argentinan actress Lola Membrives was performing Anna Christie, the first play by Eugene O'Neill seen in Spain. But apart from that the situation was depressing. Nothing new could be exptected from the veteran Nobel Prize-winner Jacinto Benavente, nor was Eduardo Marquina (whose verse dramas are today forgotten) likely suddenly to change direction and come up with a work more attuned to the times. And there was little new talent. Moreover, competition from the film industry was growing stiffer all the time. Madrid's cinemas were booming, and in January 1931 there were queues to see Buster Keaton in The College Boy, Rudolph Valentino in The Eagle and Victor McLachlan in All Quiet on the Western Front.” (308)

“The actress [Lola Membrives] was as famous in Spain as Margarita Xirgu and, back home in Buenos Aires, had done more than anybody else for the Spanish theatre in that city. We do not know when Lorca first met her, although by the end of March 1931 they were certainly on friendly terms for, according to a report in the press at that time, the poet, Rafael Alberti and their bullfighter friend, Ignacio Sanchez Mejias, had just been seen in her room at the theatre, where their ebullient arrival had secured the 'elegant withdrawal' of the Alvarez Quintero brothers, for whose work Lorca had no time. Before the actress returned to Argentina that spring it seems likely that Lorca had already come to admire her art deeply, and it may well be that she stimulated in him a desire to see his work performed in Buenos Aires, then one of the great theatre capitals of the world.” (309)

“Another facet of Federico's rich personality came to the fore at this time, when his Master's Voice released the first of a series of records of Spanish folk songs harmonized by the poet and sung to his piano accompaniment by Encarnacion Lopez Julvez, 'La Argentinita'. On 13 March 1931 Adolfo Salazar reviewed the first record in El Sol. The critic was enthusiastic, his only misgiving being that HMV had not planned to publish with the records an explanatory study by Lorca. Over the following months the four remaining records were issued and the series had a considerable success, both in Spain and in South America. These are the only recordings of Lorca playing known to exist (none of his voice has been found), and they leave no doubt as to his ability at the keyboard, nor as to the astringency of his interpretations of the folk songs he loved so much.” (309-310)

THE END OF THE NIGHTMARE

“Sunday, 12 April 1931 was a fine day throughout almost the whole of Spain as the people flocked to the polling stations [for the municipal elections].

That morning Carlos Morla Lynch bumped in Lorca in the Puerta del Sol and they sat down together in a cafe. The square was rapidly filling with a gesticulating and noisy crowd shouting against the regime, and there was a panic when the police suddenly charged. Later in the day the poet experienced in his own flesh what it was like to be at the receiving end of a mounted charge by the Civil Guard. He was sitting with Rafael Martinez Nadal on the terrace of the Cafe Granja del Henar, in the Called de Alcala, not far from the bank of Spain, when a Republican demonstration came towards them from the Puerta del Sol, heading down the street in the direction of the Plaza de Cibeles. Nadal suggested that they join the crowd, and was surprised when Federico agreed. As they entered the Paseo de Recoletos, with Lorca and Nadal in the front row, a Civil Guard detachment suddenly appeared, blocking the way. There were shots and the marchers fled in panic, Nadal among them. When he looked back he saw the poet trying to escape as fast as his congenitally stiff gait would allow him (even fear could not galvanize him into running), his white suit making him a perfect target for the guards.

Francisco Vega Diaz, later a distinguished heart surgeon, took part in the demonstration, and with Martinez Nadal witnessed the poet's arrival back at the Granja del Henar – ashen-faced, dusty, his shirt unbuttoned, and wiping sweat that poured from his forehead with a handkerdchief lightly stained with blood (he had fallen and scraped a finger). Vega Diaz has recalled:

He began to tell us in a loud voice what had happened, with a verbal exuberance, precise details, a vocabulary and mimicry that were absolutely fantastic. He expressed his terror in words that gushed from his mouth, and such was the emotion that he generated in the cafe that someone made him get up on one of the marble tables so that everyone present could hear the account he had begun. I can honestly say that in all the work of Garcia Lorca I have found nothing that could equal what, in a seemingly inextinguishable flood of words, he said in only a few minutes, turning from one side to the other.

That night the election result was known the length and breadth of the country: the Republicans had won. In the face of such an outcome, and perhaps hoping thereby to prevent civil war, King Alfonso XIII decided to leave the country immediately. Two days later, without a single life being lost, the Second Republic was proclaimed. The monarchy had fallen like a rotten apple, and, almost unbelievably, the possibility of a new democratic Spain was suddenly no longer a dream but a reality.”
(311-312)



CHAPTER 4: EARLY DAYS IN THE NEW SPAIN

WHEN FIVE YEARS PASS

“We possess very little information about the gestation of When Five Years Pass, and only the vaguest indications as to the poet's intentions in the play. On one of the rare occasions on which it appears he talked about these, he was reported as saying: 'It's a mystery play with the characteristics of this genre, a mystery play about time, written in prose and verse.'

Procrastination in love is always, for Lorca, a crime against Nature, as is the masking of true feeling, and it inevitably brings death in its train. The echoes of Lorca's first poems, with their obsessive allusions to lost love, can be heard in all the poet's later work, but perhaps nowhere as insistently as in this modern mystery play, this 'legend about time', as it is subtitled. When Five Years Pass, where the traditional and the ultra-modern in Lorca fuse more completely than in any of his other plays, expresses with supreme artistry the poet's anguish about the future, the certainty of death and the impossibility of sexual fulfillment.” (315)

THE BARRACA

“On 29 May 1931 the Provisional Government of the Republic, pressing ahead with its educational and cultural reforms, had created an organization that was to have a profound effect on Spanish life during these years, the Misiones Pedagogicas ('Teaching Missions'), presided over by Manuel Bartolome Cossio, a collaborator of Francisco Giner de los Rios in the Free Teaching Missions and author of an important book on El Greco. The aim of the Missions was to take the message of the new democratic Spain out to the appallingly poor villages, putting on plays, performing concerts, helping the local teachers, organizing art exhibitions and talks, setting up public libraries, showing films and in general striving to bring hope to folk who in many cases still lived almost in the Stone Age.” (319)

“On 16 October 1931 Manuel Azana became Prime Minister...Azana had a piercing mind, and was a devastating orator and distinguished writer and soon became, with Fernando de los Rios, one of the Republican politicians most hated by the Right. Azana was an intimate friend of the Catalan actress Margarita Xirgu, and had been present when Lorca read Mariana Pineda to her and her company in 1927. Moreover he was the brother-in-law of Lorca's friend Cipriano Rivas Cherif, and in his review La Pluma had published some of the first poems of Federico to have appeared in the capital in the early twenties. Such contacts – and Lorca knew other Republican politicians – sharpened the poet's awareness of the issues at stake in the country and strengthened his determination to participate in the shaping of the New Spain.

Soon a splendid opportunity to do something useful was presented to him. Late on the night of 2 or 3 November 1931 Lorca burst into Carlos Morla Lynch's apartment in a state of feverish excitement and told the assembled company about a great project in which he was going to become involved: the creation of a university travelling theatre which, following the lines already laid down by the Teaching Missions, would perform classical works – Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Calderon de la Barca – in the villages and marketplaces of rural spain, so bereft of culture.

The original idea was not, it seems, Lorca's, but had appeared, as if by spontaneous combustion, among the students of Madrid University. No one seems to remember exactly how the first contacts were forged between the students and Lorca, although it is almost certain that they took place at the Residencia de Estudiantes. What is certain is that the poet immediately identified himself fully with the project, expressing his willingness to act as Artistic Director of the company if the nomination were ratified by the Student's Union (whose offical support was absolutely necessary for the enterprise to be successful). The preliminary contacts were soon under way and Lorca explained the project to Fernando de los Rios, who guaranteed government support.” (320)

“When auditions were held, the would-be actors were found to be products, in the most part, of the Instituto-Escuela, a liberal secondary school, inspired by the Free Teaching Institution, which had close connection with the Residencia de Estudiantes. The audition procedure was straightforward: the poet opened, more or less at random, a volume of Spanish classics and asked the candidate to read a few passages, in prose and verse, while he jotted down succinct observations on his or her diction, physical characteristics and so forth. Often those students who did not quite make the grade as actors found that they could be extremely useful to the theatre in other ways – as electricians, carpenters, make-up artists or drivers. As for the general functioning of the Barraca, it was decided from the beginning that there were to be no 'stars'. Anonymity was to be the rule. Moreover it was clear that there would be a considerable turnover in actors, given the fact that almost all of them were students subject to examination and other pressures.

Lorca was able to count on the help of many painter friends, such as Benjamin Palencia, who designed the emblem of the Barraca (an actor's mask in the centre of a wheel against a blue background), Alfonso Ponce de Leon, Ramon Gaya and Santiago Antonon, later to be joined by Jose Caballero and Alberto Sanchez. The scenery designed by these artists was simple, modern and, of necessity, strictly functional: a stage measuring only eight yards by eight, which had to be erected and dismantled at speed, could not have a cumbersome or excessively ornate décor. On the contrary, it had to be pared down to the very essentials.

In accordance with the spirit of the first clause of the new Constitution, which stated emphatically that Spain was now a 'democratic Republic of workers of all kinds', the offical 'uniform' of the men of the Barraca was a blue boilersuit, while the girls wore a simple blue and white dress. A Barcelona critic who met Lorca during one of the Barraca's performances commented that he looked more like a mechanic than a poet. Naturally the uniform provoked sneers from the Right, particularly in view of the fact that many of the student actors were from well-off families.” (322-323)

“Lorca was determined that the Barraca should take art, not 'literature', out into the countryside of Spain, putting on productions of the classics that would fire the imagination of the peasants and village folk by dint of both their simplicity and their modernity. The poet felt sure that, given the essentially Spanish quality of the works to be performed, the ordinary people they were going to meet on their tours would follow the plays with interest. He was proved right.

As for the training of the actors, many of the barracos have recalled that the poet insisted on imposing his criteria on their movements and gestures as well as their diction, which had to be crystal clear. Such attention to detail was of course vital given the total lack of experience on the part of most of the students who surmounted the hurdle of the auditions. It could even be said that that very lack of experience was an advantage, allowing Lorca to mould his young, eager and unprejudiced actors exactly according to his wishes. Little by little during the first six months of 1932, as rehearsals proceeded and the date of the first outing approached, the Barraca developed a unique style unlike that of any professional company then performing in Spain.” (324)

“The success of the barracos in the nearby town of Almazan made up in large part for what happened in Soria [hecklers, electrical failure (sabotage?), stones thrown and jeers from Monarchist Madrid students]. Shortly after the performance started it began to rain, but the audience, mainly composed of peasants, was entranced and stayed on, even refusing to put up their umbrellas so as not to block the vision of the people behind. Accompanying the students were Fernando de los Rios, the poet Damaso Alonso and, among other well-wishers and relatives, a friend of Lorca's from Granada, the engraver Hermenegildo Lanz. Also present was a reporter from Madrid, who observed the audience closely during the performance. 'The people of the town of Almazan ranged behind us looked as if they were dreaming with their eyes open,' he wrote. 'Row upon row of peasant faces, smiling in ecstasy, above all expectant, fearing and desiring what was going to happen next one the stage. And suddenly the expectation was relieved in a burst of laughter and applause.' Two years later, while visiting Santander, on the northern coast, with the students, Lorca recalled that performance of Life is a Dream in Almazan. 'It began to rain,' he said. 'All one could hear was the rain falling on the stage, Calderon's lines and music accompanying them, with the peasants listening, deeply moved.” (332)

“At the end of July or beginning of August Lorca returned to his beloved Huerta de San Vicente in Granada with the express purpose of finishing Bodas de Sangre ('Blood Wedding'), begun, almost certainly, the previous summer. There, while he listened over and over to gramophone records of the great cante jondo singer Tomas Pavon and of a Bach cantata, probably Wachtet auf, ruft uns die Stimme (BMV 140) – the music almost drove the rest of the household berserk – he completed the play in few weeks, working feverishly day and night. A year and a half later, in Buenos Aires, the poet explained that he could write only while listening to music, and that the third act of Blood Wedding, 'the bit with the moon and the wood, with death prowling,' was all in the Bach cantata he had listened to obsessively that summer.” (334)

BLOOD WEDDING

“It was four years since the day on which Lorca's eye had been caught by a short account appearing in the Madrid daily ABC about a mysterious assassination that had just been perpetrated before a wedding near the Andalusian town of Nijar, in the province of Almeria. Although Lorca was no Zola he was in the habit of proclaiming that his work derived from real events, and where Blood Wedding is concerned we know that he followed the Nijar case closely in the reports that appeared during the week in the Madrid press. In these it was revealed that the dead man, Curro Montes Canadas, was a previous lover of the bride who, after stealing the lady the night before the wedding, had been killed by the groom's outraged cousin. In particular, it is most certain that Lorca read the detailed accounts of the crime and the legal investigation following it which appeared for six consecutive days in one of his favorite newspapers, the Heraldo de Madrid. The coincidences between the reports sent from the Heraldo correspondent in Almeria and Blood Wedding make such a conclusion almost inevitable.

Consider, first, the case of Francisca Canadas Morales, the model for Lorca's Bride, who was about twenty when the tragedy occurred. Francisca, who lived on an estate near Nijar with her father – her mother, like the Bride's, had died some years ago – was no Helen. Lame and squint-eyed, with prominent teeth, she had none the less quite a pleasing face, was of independent character and possessed a certain charm which was appreciated by the local gallants who, no doubt, coveted even more the substantial dowry which it was known her father would settle on her when she married. For several years Francisca had been unofficially engaged to a modest labourer, Casimiro Perez Pino, an uninspiring man who, pressured by his ambitious brother and sister-in-law, saw in his marriage with the lame heiress his best chance of moving up in the world. In Blood Wedding, drawing on the newspaper reports, Lorca developed this theme – the avarice of people desperated to acquire property of their own and obsessed by the wealth of their neighbors.” (335)

“The theme of love lost, of the love that could or should have been, but which is thwarted, is fundamental in all Lorca's work and, as we know, reflects his own early experience. In the Nijar tragedy the poet found a powerful metaphor, it seems fair to assume, for that experience, and in Blood Wedding exploited it to the full. Leonardo and the Bride, like their real-life prototypes, have experienced a passionate adolescent love which lasted for three years, a love frustrated by economic considerations and almost forgotten by their neighbors. Nature had 'made' the two for each other, but society frustrated her designs. Tragedy is the inevitable outcome.” (336)

“Not only Leonardo's temerity but his skill as a horseman derives from his model, Curro. Given the fact that the horse is a potent sexual symbol throughout Lorca's work, it is not surprising that the poet took note of this detail, stressed in the newspaper accounts, making the relationship between Leonardo and his steed a leitmotif of the play...

...If Lorca drew on the newspaper reports for his characterization of Leonardo, he also took careful note of what they had to say about the groom, Casimiro Perez Pino, who was not only introspective but so bashful that a few hours before his wedding he had still not yet kissed his bride-to-be, Francisca, and was completely under her thumb- and that of her widowed father. Again Blood Wedding stays close to its source for, in the play, the Mother insists that her son is a virgin and that he has never tasted wine; while he promises her that he will always do what she tells him.” (336-337)

“Pondering on the Nijar crime, Lorca must have surely remembered his childhood months in Almeria and excursions through the arid surroundings of the town with Antonio Rodriguez Espinosa. The Heraldo de Madrid correspondent underlined the terrible dryness of the terrains in his reports on the tragedy, noticing that he had found 'fields of stones and calcinated by the sun with scarcely a tree as far as the eye could stretch.' The landscape of Blood Wedding, where 'it doesn't get cooler even at dawn' – a landscape that symbolizes the erotic thirst of Leonardo and the Bride – was undoubtedly inspired by that of Almeria (although there is no explicit reference to the locality in the play) and conjures up the barren ochre desert lying between the Sierra Alhamilla and Sierra de Gata where rain is almost unknown... But while this was the landscape that inspired the play, Lorca decided to set the action more inland than Nijar, which, in fact, is only some twelve miles from the sea. The wood of the third act, moreover, with its 'great humid trunks' and its river, is pure invention – Almeria's plain has nothing to offer in this line – and was already prefigured in When Five Years Pass, with its debt to A Midsummer Night's Dream...

...Lorca also made a highly significant change when he substituted a cave for El Fraile, the farm where Francisca Canadas lived with her father, presumably thinking not only of the Gypsy caves of Granada's Sacromonte but of those at Purullena, near Guadix, which he had visited with Manuel de Falla... Doubtless the change was made for reasons of symbolism, and one critic has observed with insight that the cave situates the action 'in the most telluric landscape of Andalusia', on the boundary between observable reality and prehistory.” (337-338)

“As for the wedding itself, Lorca seems to have noted the details provided by the Heraldo correspondent concerning the lavish preparations for the wedding celebrations, which were to have lasted into the early hours of the following morning. Feasting, music, dancing, drinking – the farmhouse at El Fraile had been decked out in fine style and guests were invited from all over the dry and dusty plain. But there was no marriage and no feast. Lorca, as Blood Wedding began to take shape, probably realized that, given the musical, choreographic and stage-design potential of the play, the lovers' flight simply had to take place after the ceremony, in the midst of the merry-making back at the Bride's cave: in this way he would be able to us music to the fullest effect and to orchestrate a colourful scene while, at the same time, both heightening the dramatic impact of the discovery of the elopement and drawing on the traditional Spanish obsession with honour. (There is a difference, after all, between running away with someone before or after a marriage ceremony.)

As for the death of Curro Montes, clarified when Jose Perez Pino, the groom's brother, admitted that he was responsible for the shooting, Lorca realized that in the play he would have to depart from the real events, Perez Pino, as he made his way on horseback towards El Fraile, had come face to face with the fleeing lovers before those at the farmhouse had even noticed that they were missing. There was not question, therefore, as in Blood Wedding, of the 'two bands' setting out in pursuit of the fugitives – and no question of the outraged groom having participated in the death of Curro Montes, as he does in that of Leonardo in Blood Wedding. Having decided that for his purposes both men must die, each at the hands of each other, it was in character for Lorca to substitute two sacrificial knives for the banal revolver with which Curro Montes was killed. The knife, which appears at the beginning of the play in an obviously premonitory role, is present throughout the action, and fittingly, Blood Wedding ends with a ritual hymn to the instrument sung alternately by the Mother and the Bride. It could be said that the knife is the protagonist of the work.

But perhaps Lorca perhaps departs most radically from his source material is in his delineation of Leonardo as the victim of ineluctable fate, the youngest in the line of a family of killers who have already reduced the Bride's family to its last male. There is no indication in the newspaper accounts that in Curro Montes's background there was any history of violence (although we may be permitted to wonder what the groom's brother, Jose Perez Pino, was doing riding to a wedding with a loaded revolver in his pocket). Lorca, conscious of working within the tragic tradition, had to ensure that Leonardo was the victim of fate, and chose to do so by making him almost biologically incapable of resisting the temptation to abscond with the bride.” (338-339)

“Lorca must have been conscious as he completed Blood Wedding that he had succeeded in writing a play of Andalusian inspiration quite unlike the pseudo-Andalusian works made popular at this time by the Alvarez Quintero brothers, works all fun, clever talk and inconsequence. In Blood Wedding there are no concessions to southern speech (with its tendency to drop intervocalic consonants and final 's's), and local colour is reduced to an absolute minimum. Clearly Lorca had set himself the task of writing a timeless tragedy in the Mediterranean tradition, ironing out the picturesque and the superficial.” (338)

“Lorca, always obsessed by the subject of erotic frustration, knew that there can hardly be a worse loneliness than that of an unhappy marriage in a situation allowing of no escape, no second chance, and developed the theme in Yerma. If Leonardo and the Bride had followed at the right time the call of instinct instead of yielding to socio-economic pressures, the tragedy would not have occurred...

...Lorca said once that the only hope for happiness lies in 'living one's instinctual life to the full'. Blood Wedding can be understood as a gloss on that belief. In it the poet succeeded in creating a medium that allowed him to express the deepest elements in his personality while at the same time to deploy his multiple talents; and, as he packed his bags for Madrid, he may have sensed that at last, after so many frustrating experiences in the theatre, he had produced a work capable of reaching a mass audience. And of making money.” (341)

THE BARRACA AND MORE LECTURES

“...on 19 December [1932], in the Teatro Espanol, the Barraca performed Life is a Dream and the three interludes to an audience that included the President of the Republic, Niceto Alcala-Zamora; the Prime Minister, Manuel Azana; the President of the Parliament, Julian Besteiro; Fernando de los Rios and many other Ministers, Deputies and public figures. The evening was triumphant and practically all the Madrid newspapers published glowing critiques. As might have been expected, those appearing in the conservative press were less enthusiastic. The Right felt convinced that the Barraca was not simply a Republica organization whose function was to take plays to the people, but a propaganda machine serving the interests of 'Marxist', 'Jewish' and 'Communist' agitators determined to bring the Red Revolution to Spain. Such charges were, of course, ludicrous...

...The year had ended brilliantly for the Barraca, which in the six months since it first set out had more than justified the hopes placed in it by the Government. Over the next three years Lorca's life was to be inextricably bound up with the University Theatre in whose creation he had played such a vital role. At times, it is true, his involvement deflected his attention from his own work, but in general he benefited hugely from the experience, which taught him not only a great deal about the theatre, but about people and the reality of contemporary Spain.” (345)


CHAPTER 6: 1933

BREAKTHROUGH WITH BLOOD WEDDING

“Preparations for the premiere of Blood Wedding, with sets and costumes by Santiago Ontanon and Manuel Fontanals, were well advanced by the beginning of March. Lorca himself directed the rehearsals, taking particular care over the play's subtle shifts from prose to poetry, prohibiting any over-emphasis on the part of the actors and controlling the rhythm of each scene as if he were conducting a symphony. His brother Francisco recalled that the poet needed all his skill, experience and patience to get the actors, unused to such total theatre, to do what he wanted. 'Particularly difficult', he writes, 'was the scene in which the Bride leaves for the church, a scene fragmented into numerous entries by different characters from different and carefully graduated levels, with the alternating play of female and male voices speaking lines of extreme rhythmic complexity.' 'It has to be mathematically precise!' the poet would exclaim, interrupting actors again and again until he produced the desired result.

The [actors] were astonished at Lorca's knowledge of stagecraft, much of which had been acquired through his work with the Barraca, and were grateful for his absolutely clear notion of what he wanted to achieve. The young actress Amelia de la Torre, who played the part of Death, never forgot Federico's roar of disapproval when she appeared in the first rehearsal as an old woman with her face painted white and wearing no lipstick. 'Death is young and beautiful!' Lorca had insisted, perhaps remembering Cipriano Rivas Cherif's production of Cocteau's Orphee a few years earlier.” (347)

“...Blood Wedding scored an all-out hit. Madrid's leading intellectuals, writers and artists were all there in strength, with a liberal sprinkling of society people and politicians, and there was not a spare seat in the house. The Nobel Prize playwright Jacinto Benavente, now in his late sixties and quite out of touch with contemporary dramatic trends, attended; so did Miguel de Unamuno and Fernando de los Rios, who was no doubt delighted with his former pupil; while representing Lorca's generation could be seen the poets Vicente Aleixandre, Luis Cernuda, Jorge Guillen, Pedro Salinas and Manuel Altolaguirre, sitting among the students from the Barraca.

After the first scene, the audience, if we can believe the right-wing daily La Nacion, was somewhat indecisive in its response, but from the second onwards there was constant applause. At the end of each scene the curtain rose and fell several times, and the performance even had to be interrupted twice to allow Lorca to take a bow. When the curtain fell the audience went wild and Federico, Ontanon and Fontanals joined Josefina Diaz de Artigas (who had played the Bride, not, as Lorca had originally intended, the Mother) and the other actors on the stage amidst scenes of great emotion and joy.

Next day the reviews were almost wholly favourable, although some critics were unhappy about the appearance of the moon on stage. Clearly Lorca had touched a nerve, or several nerves, common to all Spaniards. At least three critics pointed out the vital connection between Blood Wedding and Gypsy Ballads, which seemed to them to spring from a common inspiration, Lorca's close friend Melchor Fernandez Almagro concentrating on the mythical aspect of the poet's Andalusia. Blood Wedding had to do 'not with the Andalusians of east or west, the mountains or the coast', wrote Melchor, 'but the Andalusians in their deepest historical and psychological projection...Arabs, Romans, Greeks, the offspring of God knows what classical myths: the Sun and the Moon'. As for the latter, Melchor had no doubt that she is the divinity who presides over the poet's poetic universe, 'the most expressive cypher or emblem of his world'...” (348)

“Blood Wedding ran for thirty-eight performances before Josefina Diaz de Artigas ended her season at the Beatriz on 8 April, and constituted Lorca's first box-office success. From this moment on the poet began to achieve the financial independence which for so many years had obsessed and eluded him.” (349)

“...Lola Membrives, who was about to return to Argentina, had expressed the desire to produce Blood Wedding in Buenos Aires. On 25 April Lorca was in San Sebastian to repeat his lecture on Maria Blanchard, and took advantage of the fact that Lola was playing in the town to renew his contact with her. The next day he followed her to Vitoria, and read Blood Wedding to the assembled company. Everyone was delighted with the play and Lorca and the actress quickly reached agreement on the terms of the contract. Two days later, on 5 May, the company sailed from Barcelona for Buenos Aires.” (352)

MUSIC, FALLA, RODRIGUEZ RAPUN

“On 31 May [1933] Josefina Diaz de Artigas opened her Barcelona season with Blood Wedding. Lorca had not travelled to the Catalan capital, perhaps because he did not want to miss the dress rehearsal of Encarnacion Lopez's production of Falla's Love the Magician, in the Teatro Espanol. The premiere of the ballet was not held in this theatre, however, but, as a gesture to Falla, in the latter's home town of Cadiz, on 10 June. Lorca went south for the occasion, accompanied by Santiago Ontanon, Manuel Fontanals, Eduardo Ugarte and other friends. The evening was an immense success, and Federico dashed off an enthusiastic telegram to Falla, who was then in Palma de Mallorca working on La Atlantida, the opera he never finished. Two days later 'La Argentinita' was back in the capital with her company to play Love the Magician, which received rave reviews, Adolfo Salazar claiming that Encarnacion Lopez had 'revealed' Falla for the first time to a Madrid audience.

Towards the end of June the dancer gave a special performance of Love the Magician in the Residencia de Estudiantes. Among the audience was a handsome young engineering student, Rafael Rodriguez Rapun, who was to become the great love of Lorca's last two years... It seems that Rapun may have accompanied Federico to Cadiz for the premiere of Love the Magician, and that the photograph of him and Lorca in the gardens of the Reina Cristina Hotel in Ageciras may be from this trip...

...Rafael Rodriguez Rapun, who did not survive the Spanish Civil War to tell his own story, was not homosexual but, according to his close friend Modesto Higueras, eventually succumbed so totally to the magic of Lorca's personality that there was no escape... (353-354)

“The poet told [the journalist Jose S. Serna during an interview in Albecete, where the Barraca was performing Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna] that Blood Wedding was the first in 'a dramatic trilogy of the Spanish earth', adding that he was currently at work on the second. The latter did not yet have a title, but its theme concerned female sterility...

...The drama about female sterility had no title when Lorka talked to Serna in Albacete, but a few weeks later it was common knowledge that the poet was working on a new play on this topic. A play called Yerma.”

YERMA

“If the point of departure for Blood Wedding had been a real-life incident that occurred in Almeria in 1928, the origin of Yerma, as we have seen, was much earlier, and reached back to the poet's childhood, when he first became aware of the annual 'cuckold's pilgrimage' to the village of Moclin...

...Was the protagonist of Yerma based on a real person? It would not be surprising to learn that the poet had someone, or various people, in mind. One possible candidate was his father's first wife, Matilde Palacios, who had died childless, although we do not know whether her infertility cause her a despair akin to Yerma's... on a personal level, Lorca was poignantly aware of his own 'sterility' as a homosexual... It was almost inevitable, therefore, that sooner or later he should have written a play exclusively devoted to the theme of infecundity; and the Moclin pilgrimage gave him a ready framework within which to develop it.

Gynaecological considerations apart, Yerma can be seen to be another variation on the theme that if lovers meet but do not follow their 'inclination' (as one of the woodcutters in Blood Wedding recommends), their amorous journey has ended, but not in the felicitous sense indicated by Shakespeare...

In [a 1935 interview] Lorca explained that Yerma is a victim of the Spanish code of honour which is almost part of her blood and bone, and which, once she has made the fatal mistake of marrying a man for whom she does not feel passion, prevents her from opting out and looking for a suitable partner. Implicit in Yerma is the rejection of the rigidities of Spanish Catholicism, as the Right was quick to see when the play was produced in December 1934. And the rejection, too, of machismo, which relegates women to the category of second-rate citizenx, of penned-up sheep.

ARGENTINA CALLING

“At then end of July [1933] Lorca heard that Lola Membrives's production of Blood Wedding in Buenos Aires, which had just opened, was a huge hit. The telegram and then letters from the actress's husband-manager Juan Reforzo were ecstatic. On 4 August the latter assured Federico that the play had conquered Buenos Aires in a few hours and had already earned him the equivalent of some 3,500 pesetas... Lorca, acutely aware of the vital importance of Buenos Aires, with its highly demanding audiences, for the launching of Spanish plays in South America, must have been exhilarated by the news, which confirmed the success of the work in Madrid and showed that at last he had hit on a money-spinning dramatic formula.

...Lola Membrives and Juan Reforzo continued over the following days and weeks to press Lorca to make the trip to Buenos Aires, and became increasingly uneasy as the poet failed to commit himself... In view of the financial success of Blood Wedding in Madrid, the money he had already earned in Buenos Aires and that which would undoubtedly accrue when the play was put on again there in September, his lecture contract and Lola Membrives's interest in producing The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife, such hesitation might seem strange: but Lorca was obsessed with achieving full economic independence and no doubt wanted to make absolutely sure, before embarking, that the conditions could not be bettered. Moreover, he had the Barraca to think about...” (357-358)

“In Leon [with the Barraca] the poet was interviewed by two young journalists, whose questions he answered with startling frankness, blasting off, first, against politically inspired poetry such as that now being written by Rafael Alberti, who had 'just returned a Communist' from Russia. Lorca was certain that there was no room in poetry for political propaganda:

The artist, and particularly the poet, is always an anarchist, and can only listen to the voices that rise up from within his own being, three imperious voices: the voice of Death, with all its presentiments; the voice of Love and the voice of Art.

...The journalists, awed by the tone of these replies, hesitated before asking Federico's opinion of modern Spanish theatre in general. But finally they did so. The answer, as they expected, was uncompromising. 'It's theatre by and for swine,' the poet assured them. 'Exactly that, a theatre written by swine for swine.'” (358)

“Back in Madrid Lorca made arrangements for his trip to Buenos Aires and then hurried down to Granada, where he arrived on 24 September [1933], to take his leave of his family. On 2 October the Buenos Aires daily La Nacion announced that Lola Membrives had just received a telegram from the poet in which he told her that he would reach the city on 13 October on board the Italian steamer Conte Grande...

...The poet left Madrid for Barcelona on 28 September, and was accompanied in the taxi that took him to Atocha station by Rodriguez Rapun, with whom his relationship had grown increasingly close over the previous months. To see the poet off were Carlos Morla Lynch and, according to the latter, 'the complete group of the Barraca'.

The following day Lorca embarked on the Conte Grande with the Catalan stage designer Manuel Fontanals, who had also been summoned to Buenos Aires by Lola Membrives...

...Before the Conte Grande left Barcelona Federico sent a postcard to Rodriguez Rapun. From the latter's reply (12 October 1933) we know that the poet's departure affected him deeply...

I remember you constantly. Not to be able to see a person with whom you have been every hour of the day for months is too much to be forgotten. Especially if towards the person in question you feel yourself drawn as strongly as I do towards you. But since you're going to return I console myself with the thought that these hours will be repeated. And there's another consolation: to know that you have gone on a mission. This consolation is reserved for those of us who have a sense of duty – and we're fewer all the time[...]Since at least I've written something to you, although you deserve more, I'm going to stop here. I'll write to you often. A big hug from your friend who never forgets you.

This is the only letter exchanged between Lorca and Rodriguez Rapun that has come to light, although we may assume that the two wrote each other frequently...” (359-361)


CHAPTER 7: ARGENTINA

BUENOS AIRES WELCOMES A SPANISH POET

“At the dockside to meet Lorca and Fontanals were a crowd of journalists and photographers, representatives of various cultural organizations and even a few old friends, among them Gregorio Martinez Sierra. Especially intense emotion was generated when some erstwhile neighbours of the Garcia Lorca family in Fuente Vaqueros, Francisco Coca and his wife Maria Montero, pressed through the throng with their eighteen-year-old niece to embrace the poet. The couple had emigrated to Argentina in 1922 and could hardly contain themselves. 'He's from our village, from our village, from La Fuente!' they shouted. 'I can tell you that I couldn't help weeping,' Lorca wrote to his parents.” (363)

“From the day he landed in Buenos Aires, Federico's presence in the city's newspapers and magazines was constant. His success was more resounding than that of any Spanish writer who had visited the Argentinian capital before him – the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda spoke of 'the greatest triumph ever achieved by a writer of our race' – and for months it was impossible to open a periodical without reading something about the Andalusian prodigy who had descended on the city. Lorca lecturing; Lorca walking down Corrientes or Florida surrounded by a crowd of admirers, or officiating in the Cafe Tortoni; Lorca with Lola Membrives; Lorca with another famous actress, Eva Franco; Lorca talking enthusiastically about tangos... Lorca at such and such a banquet or reception; Lorca playing the piano; Lorca reciting; Lorca eating in La Costanera, one of his favourite haunts on the shore of the river Plate... Within a few weeks he was the talk of the town and his photograph was appearing on all sides.” (365)

“The Lorca who arrived that October [1933] in the Argentinian capital was the apostle of a new theatre radically concerned with the problems of contemporary society. All his commentaries were along these lines. 'Personally I would rip out the boxes and the stalls and bring the gods downstairs,' he said to one journalist. 'We've got to get ordinary working people into the theatre. “Are you wearing a nice silk dress, Madam? Yes? Then, get out.” An audience dressed in hemp shirts watching Hamlet, the works of Aeschylus and all the other great plays, that's it.' Having transcribed the poet's vehement observations, the reporter commented: 'Garcia Lorca jumps from one topic to another. Always however, some flash of insight about the theatre illumines the conservation.'” (366)

“...on 20 October, Lorca gave his first lecture to the members of the Friends of Art Club, which was run by a woman of great sensitivity, Bebe Sansinena de Elizalde, and enjoyed enormous prestige in the city. Lorca got to like Bebe and her husband so much that he was heard to claim that theirs was the only house at which he had ever turned up on time. The lecture, 'Play and Theory of the Duende', was ideally suited to the audience, and showed the poet at his most profoundly Andalusian. Few people present can have doubted that, in his exploration of the duende, that mysterious, Dionysian inspiration, Lorca was really talking about himself and his own poetic world. The atmosphere in the crowded room was electric, and according to the journalist Lorca conquered in one evening the heart of Buenos Aires.

Then, on 25 October [1933], Lola Membrives reopened with Blood Wedding in the Avenida Theatre. Before the curtain went up the poet, resplendent in dinner-jacket, walked on to speak a few words to the packed house. A voice shouted, 'On your feet!' and the entire audience stood up and gave him an ovation that lasted, he told his parents, for five minutes. Once the applause died down Lorca expressed his gratitude for the wonderful welcome he was receiving in Argentina and for the encouragement this meant to him at a time when he was 'beginning' his career as a dramatist.” (367-368)

“Blood Wedding played for several months and made a huge amount of money for the poet, to whom Lola Membrives and her husband had agreed to pay 10 per cent of the takings. Lorca's letters home showed to what an extent such success was boosting his ego. As more and more pesos flowed in his comments became increasingly presumptuous. 'Whatever they put on by me in the theatre will pack them in,' he wrote in November while Blood Wedding continued to draw the crowds to the Avenida, a theatre that Federico claimed was about ten times the size of the Teatro Espanol in Madrid – a considerable exaggeration. Again and again he returned to the subject of his earnings and to the fabulous remittances his parents could expect once restrictions on the export of Argentinian currency were removed. Finally he set his father, now seventy-four years old, a cheque for an astronomical sum to convince him once and for all of his viability as a self-supporting writer; to show him, as he told Enrique Diez-Canedo, that by writing poetry it was possible to make more money than by selling land and grain...” (368)

NERUDA

“During his months in Buenos Aires Lorca saw a lot of Pablo Neruda and they became good friends... Neruda was tall and pale, with a slow voiceand wide-open eyes that, like Picasso's seemed to devour everything and everybody on which they rested. When Lorca met him he had just published the first edition of his book of poems Residencia en la tierra ('Residence on Earth') and was becoming well known in Buenos Aires literary circles...

...In his memoirs, I Confess that I Have Lived, Neruda recalled one of the adventures he shared with Lorca in Buenos Aires when they coincided at a riotous party thrown by the Citizen Kane of Argentina, Natalio Botana, proprietor of the newspaper Critica, at his splendid house on the outskirts of the capital. During dinner Neruda became aware that a poetess across the table was giving him the glad eye. Afterwards he, Lorca and the lady climbed a tower overlooking the swimming pool, where it soon became evident to Neruda that the poetess meant business. Federico, who up to then had suspected nothing, was despatched to keep guard below, but was so bemused by what was happening that he tripped and fell, bruising a leg in the process. Whether the offering to Venus could be satisfactorily effected in such circumstances Neruda does not make clear. The story seems not to have been an invention by the Chilean poet, certainly, for on one of her visits to the Hotel Castelar Maria Molino Montero found Federico propped up in bed with his leg in bandages. He had had an accident at a party, he said sheepishly.” (370)

ELECTIONS IN SPAIN AND EARNINGS IN ARGENTINA

“On 1 December, shortly after Blood Wedding had its hundredth performance, the curtain of the Teatro Avenida went up on Lola Membrives's production of The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife, with sets and costumes by Manuel Fontanals. It was a fuller version than the one staged by Margarita Xirgu in 1930, and in his statemenets to the press the poet explained that the Buenos Aires public was about to see the play's 'authentic premiere'. Lorca had collaborated closely with Lola Membrives, supervising the music and songs and bringing all his experience with the Barraca to bear on the movements of the actors, which had an almost balletic character and precision. The premiere was another huge success and initiated a run of more than fifty performances.” (372-372)

MARIANA PINEDA, YERMA AND MONTEVIDEO

“Mariana Pineda, despite Lorca's explanations [via radio broadcast and newspaper articles that it was one of his earliest works, written when he was twenty], Fontanals's sets and costumes and the excellence of Lola Membrives and her company, was far from being a hit. One newspaper in particular, the influential La Prensa, felt that it had been a mistake, after Blood Wedding and The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife, to produce this early work in which the critic could find no hint of the 'future creator'. Lorca's persuasive and broad-girthed friend Pablo Suero did his best to defend the play, but could convince no one. Mariana Pineda was a mere 'curiousity' and failed to interest the demanding Buenos Aires audiences.” (376)

“One perceptive journalist, who had noticed that all Lorca's protagonists in the works known to date were female, put a blunt question. Why women and not men? Lorca looked surprised. 'It wasn't a conscious decision', he replied, and then, 'as if returning from a dream', added:

It's because women are more passionate, they rationalize less, they're more human, more vegetal; moreover an author would find himself in great difficulties if his heroes were men. There's an appalling lack of actors, of good actors, you understand.

...Neither in The Public nor When Five Years Pass are the protagonists female, and he had just told the interviewer, as he had others before him, that the former was 'a play not to be performed, a poem for booing', without any indication as to why. Lorca was a master at hinting but not explaining. Again and again his comments to the press we find him making veiled allusions to his homosexuality, to his 'struggle', to his desire to strip away the masks people wear to protect themselves. But rarely, if ever, is he put on the spot by a journalist to explain what he means, what he really means. For this reason the approach of the Uruguayan reporter comes a positive relief.” (378-379)

“[On 17 February Lorca] wrote home to tell the family about his great success in Montevideo, where his lectures had earned him a fabulous amount of money. The letter reveals again Lorca's compulsive need to prove to his parents that he was capable of being financially viable. He had already sent them 15,000 pesetas and 8,000 were to follow. 'This money is for you to use, naturally, because it's yours, and Mamma and Pappa can spend it all if they want,' he wrote, adding that now it was his turn to lay out funds on them in return for all those that they had invested in his career... He had already booked his ticket for the boat, which was scheduled to leave Buenos Aires on 6 March, and said that he felt a mixture of sadness and happiness on leaving Argentina – sadness because everything had gone so splendidly, happiness at the thought that soon he would see his family again. 'In Buenos Aires and Montevideo I see my financial future,' he wrote. 'Here I can earn money that would be impossible in Spain.' After years of dependence on his father and the resultant humiliation, it was now the son's turn to affirm himself.” (379)

“On 10 March 1934 the newspaper Critica published an interview with the poet on the eve of his departure... As Lorca talked he fixed his dark eyes on the journalist, Jose R. Luna... Luna tried throughout the interview tactfully to explore the depths of the poet's 'hidden', private side and was soon convinced that there was much more to Lorca than the surface gaiety of the talented jongleur. When the conversation turned to death, Luna noticed an instantaneus change in the poet's expression, which was 'transfigured'. All Lorca's close friends, and not least Dali and Bunuel, knew of these sudden metamorphoses, when Federico's gaze turned inwards and he seemed to sink into himself, but they were not usually apparent to the casual observer. Lorca explained, probably not exaggerating, that he was unable to stretch out on a bed with his shoes on because he was reminded unfailingly of the corpses he had seen as a child in Fuente Vaqueros, always laid out dressed in their Sunday best and wearing new shoes. 'Shoes and feet, when they are still, have an obsessively death-like appearance,' he insisted...” (381)

“In all, including her tour of the provinces and Montevideo the previous year, Lola Membrives, before returning to Spain the following autumn, was to perform Blood Wedding approximately 150 times; The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife about 70; and Mariana Pineda fewer, only some 20. As for Lorca's version of [Lope de Vega's] La Dama Boba, Eva Franco would put it on almost 200 times before the year ended. That the poet's visit to Buenos Aires had been an enormous success in every way no one can doubt.

On 30 March [after having postponed his departure several times] the Conte Biancamano docked in Rio de Janiero... As the great liner crossed the Atlantic Lorca, elated by his recent triumphs, must surely have wondered what awaited him back in Spain, where the political situation had changed so dramatically since he had left the previous October.” (383)


CHAPTER 8: 1934

THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR RETURNS HOME

“The Conte Biancamano reached Barcelona on 11 April and Lorca returned at once to Madrid, where he was interviewed for the Heraldo by his friend Miguel Perez Ferrero, who found the poet sorting out a stack of newspaper cuttings that he had brought back from Buenos Aires. When Perez Ferrero left the flat in the Calla de Alcala he had no doubt that Federico was one of the most efficient ambassadors that Spain had ever sent to South America.” (384)

“The poet was soon back in Granada to spend St Federick's Day (18 July [1934]) with his family in the Huerta de San Vicente and, according to El Defensor de Granada, to 'finish a new play to be produced in Madrid next season'. This was Yerma, which the poet did indeed manage to complete over the next month, reading it one day to an enthusiastic group of friends on the terrace in front of the house. It is not difficult to understand Federico's affection for this delightful, shady retreat on the outskirts of Granada: here he could always count on being able to work in peace, far from the maddening crowd of the capital. It had not been possible to dispatch Yerma in Buenos Aires, Montevideo or Madrid, but at the Huerta, listening to the servants from the Vega chatter in their rich, metaphorical speech, redolent of the earth, it seems the last act of the play caused him few problems.” (387)

THE DEATH OF A BULLFIGHTER

“This summer [1934] two famous bullfighters, both of them a bit long in the tooth and both from Seville, had emerged from their retirement and donned again the 'suit of lights': the classical Juan Belmonte, aged forty-one, and the daring, unconventional Ignacio Sanchez Mejias, a year older...

...Sanchez Mejias's clique was worried by his decision to return to the ring. Fifteen kilos overweight, he had subjected himself for months to a rigid diet and had partially recovered his former dimensions, but his age showed and he had lost much of his agility. It seemed like madness. Why take the risk? Probably he not only badly needed the money but missed the danger and excitement of the corrida as well: Ignacio always felt obliged to prove himself, to show that he was not frightened of death, and he had acquired the reputation of being the bravest man in the business.

His first fight took place in Cadiz, on 15 July. On 22 July he was in San Sebastian; on 5 August in Santander; on 6 August in La Coruna and on 10 August in Huesca. He was scheduled to appear next on 12 August, in Pontevedra where, almost seven years earlier to the day, he had announced his retirement...

...The drama began in the bull ring at La Coruna on 6 August, where the line-up also included Juan Belmonte and another famous matador, Domingo Ortega. When Belmonte went to kill his first bull the sword flew from his hand, sailed across the barrier and mortally wounded a young spectator. Then the news came that Domingo Ortega's brother had died. After the corrida was over, Ortega started off by car for Madrid. There was an accident: the vehicle swerved off the road and fell down a gully, killing the driver and injuring the bullfighter. Ortega was to have fought on 11 August in Manzanares, a small town south of Madrid. Now that was impossible, and he asked Sanchez Mejias to stand in for him. Ignacio agreed, but no sooner had he given his word than he began to have his doubts.

Afterwards the newspapers were to insist on the elements of fatality that seemed to have presided over Ignacio's last hours. First, the car in which he was being driven from Huesca to Manzanare broke down, near Saragossa, and he had to continue by train to Madrid. There he was told that he would not have Ortega's team, as promised, but another. Once in Manzanares he asked to be allowed to fight first so as to be able to leave for Pontevedra as soon as possible, but they did not let him have his way. At this point he decided to pull out, but was persuaded by the only man he had been able to take with him that such a decision would be interpreted as cowardice. Obsessed by the death of his brother-in-law Joselito in 1920, who in his view had not been adequately attended to in the clinic at Talavera de la Reina after being gored, Ignacio inspected the medical facilities at the ring in Manzanares. He thought them so terrible that he insisted that, in the case of an accident, he should be taken to Madrid. A fatal decision, as it turned out.

The corrida began late – not, as Lorca's elegy would have us believe, at the traditional 'five o'clock sharp'... Among the spectators were Jose Bergamin and another friend, Antonio Garrigues, who had come from Madrid especially to see him fight. Garrigues thought that Ignacio looked absolutely exhausted.

When lots had been cast for the bulls earlier in the day, the first name on Ignacio's piece of paper was 'Granadino'. The torero had not liked the look of the animal in the pen, and he liked it even less when it emerged now into the brilliant afternoon light. 'This one's out to get me,' he observed laconically, turning to his friends.

Ignacio specialized in a pass that consists in playing the bull while sitting on the wooden ledge running around the ring at the base of the barrier – an extremely dangerous position because it allows the bullfighter little manoeuverability and no escape if things go wrong. After playing the bull conventionally in the first part of the fight, and letting someone else place the banderillas or barbed darts in the second, Ignacio sat on the ledge. There was a hush in the crowd. All went well with the first charge. On the second, 'Granadino' came so close that he slashed the bullfighter's trousers. Ignacio tried to get to his feet but the animal turned suddenly and sank a horn deep into his thigh, tossed him to the ground and gored him furiously. When they managed to get the bull away, Sanchez Mejias was lying in a pool of blood, and, as he was carried to the infirmary, he left a thick red trail across the sand. It was the blood that in his elegy Lorca would refuse to see, begging the moon to come and cover it with its white, cool light. 'I think I'm done for,' Ignacio muttered to Alfredo Corrochano.

The bullfighter remained coldly lucid, and demanded, in view of the deficiencies of the infirmary, that he be taken by ambulance to Madrid, allowing the doctors only to affect the necessary cleansing of the huge gash in his thigh. But there was no local ambulance and the one summoned from Madrid broke down and did not arrive until after midnight – by which time it was almost too late. Jose Bergamin never moved from Ignacio's side during the long hours of waiting for the ambulance, and accompanied him during the terrible drive to Madrid (100 miles away over a deficient, bumpy road), which they finally reached at seven in the morning – thirteen hours after the goring. The operation began immediately but little could be done, for gangrene had already set in and these were the days before penicillin... He spent a dreadful night, fighting the death he knew was fast approaching and falling gradually into a delirium, raving about bulls and olive trees...

...In his agony Ignacio shook the bed with such violence that it moved around the room. Lorca heard of this, perhaps from Jose Bergamin, and in his poem called the bed 'a coffin with wheels'.

Federico, so terrified of death, did not have the courage to visit Sanchez Mejias in the clinic. On the afternoon of 11 August, when he heard about the goring, he immediately telephoned Jorge Guillen in Santander (where the Barraca had now arrived to begin their new season) to tell him the appalling news, and from that moment on kept his friends there informed hourly of the situation, deciding himself to stay in Madrid until the outcome was known, for good or for bad. At eight in the morning of 13 August the doctors realized that there was nothing more that could be done: the gangrene that Lorca personifies in his poem had spread dramatically. 'It's allover; Ignacio died at nine forty-five,' Lorca announced shortly after 10 am in his last telephone call to Guillen; 'I'm leaving for Santander. I don't want to see him.'

When he reached the northern city later that day Lorca shut himself up with his friends and explained to them that Ignacio had tried desperately to avoid having to fight in Manzanares. The poet had followed the matador's last hours minute by minute, both in the press and on the radio and, it seems fair to assume, by questioning friends who went to the clinic. He was convinced, and the conviction grew stronger with passing time, that Ignacio was fated to die that afternoon. It even appeared that, in the hotel at Manzanares, the bullfighter had been allotted a room with the number 13 in which to dress for the corrida. 'Poets are mediums,' Lorca said, 'and Ignacio, who was a poet, did everything he could to escape from his death, but everything he did only helped to tighten the strings of the net.'” (387-390)

“During the last two years of his life Federico never forgot Ignacio or the circumstances of his death, as many of the friends of both have testified. Sanchez Mejias had died nobly, sacrificing his life in an ancient ceremony which, as Lorca once explained to Giovanni Papini, has nothing to do with sport but is a 'religious mystery', the 'public and solemn enactment of the victory of human virtue over instinct, of the smiling hero over the frothing monster'. This mythical view of corrida was to find astonishing expression in Lorca's Lament for Ignacio Sanchez Mejias, begun shortly afterwards, a threnody from which the poet was careful to exclude the name appointed by fate as the agent of the death of his friend. What a terrible irony that the bull should have been called 'Granadino'! It may have suggested to the superstitious Lorca that in death, even as in life, his and Ignacio's destinies were inseparably linked – as indeed would prove to be the case two summers later.” (391)

AUTUMN WITHOUT IGNACIO

“At some point during the summer, when finishing Yerma, Lorca must have been in touch with Margarita Xirgu, to whom he had promised the play, about the premiere. The Catalan actresses's season at the Teatro Espanol opened at the end of October, and four weeks later rehearsals for Yerma were in full swing. On 15 December, a fortnight before opening night, Lorca was interviewed by a well-known journalist on El Sol, Alardo Prats. The poet revealed that he was at work on new play, Dona Rosita the Spinster, which he defined as a 'reveille for families divided into four gardens':

It will be a piece full of gentle ironies and touches of tender caricature; a comedy of middle-class manners, soft-toned, imbued with the charm and delicacy of past moments and periods. I think that people will be surprised by this evocation of time past, when the nightingales really sang and the gardens and flowers were topics for novels. That wonderful period when our parents were young. First, the days of the hooped skirts and the hobble: 1890, 1900, 1910.

Lorca does not seem to have said so on this occasion, but in Dona Rosita the Spinster he was exploring his own specific time past as well as the spirit of the Granada that had made him the poet he was. The interview confirmed how much he now felt himself to be involved in a personal struggle to renew the contemporary Spanish theatre, so pusillanimous about confronting real human and social issues. Millions of people were deprived of theatre, the poet insisted, and, drawing on his experience with the Barraca, he expressed again his conviction that good, well-produced plays always get through to 'ordinary' people, even though these may not grasp all the subtleties. Lashing out against the commercial theatre, concerned only with profits, the poet left no doubts about his commitment to society at a time when only a few months earlier the Asturias rising had been put down so brutally, and there were tens of thousands of political prisoners. 'In this world I am and always will be on the side of the poor,' he insisted.” (396)

YERMA SCANDALIZES THE RIGHT

“The dress rehearsal of Yerma, on 28 December, aroused tremendous expectation and was attended by many notables, including Ramon del Valle-Inclan and Unamuno..

...The premiere took place the following night. Unamuno attended again, a gesture whose signifance was not lost on the journalists, and when the curtain went up there was not a seat left in the house. Lorca and his friends had perhaps heard the rumour that the extreme-right-wing elements were preparing trouble for the first night of the play, not only because of its by Spanish standards daring contents, but on account of the poet's known Republican sympathies and, particularly Margarita Xirgu's close friendhip with Manuel Azana, who had just been freed from prison on bail. The fact that Cipriano Rivas Cherif was Azana's brother-in-law cannot have helped either. That the rumours were true became apparent immediately [as] the play began, when insults were hurled from the upper gallery at Margaria Xirgu and the ex-Prime Minister. According to one witness, shouts of 'Lesbian!' and 'Queer!' were also directed at the actress and Lorca respectively. The rest of the audience reacted indignantly and, after a scuffle, the hecklers were ejected. The identity of those responsible for the episode – according to Carlos Morla Lynch 'a group of youths' – was never established, although Eduardo Blanco-Amor, also present, claimed that they were Falangists... Once calm was restored the performance continued, amid scenes of rising enthusiasm, not only on account of the quality of the work itself but of the excellence of the acting and sets. Lorca had to come on stage frequently, and when the final curtain fell the applause was deafening. The poet had known triumphant success in Buenos Aires but never in Spain: he was overwhelmed, as was Margarita Xirgu, whose Yerma had deeply moved the audience.” (397)

“But if all the liberal, Republican and left-wing press came up with rave reviews, the right-wing newspapers were unanimous in their condemnation of what they considered an immoral, anti-Spanish, irreligious and odious plays. They were offended both by the theme of the work, which they considered more fit for textbooks on gynaecology than for dramatic exploration, and by what they saw as its implicit rejection of Catholic values. The Old Pagan Woman was found repellent, and the moment when she asserts that she does not believe in God, and recommends that Yerma not do so either, was picked out as especially reprehensible. Obloquy fell, too, on the Bacchanalian scene in the final act, based on the annual pilgrimage to the village of Moclin. These critiques, more like pastoral letters than theatre reviews, read as if they had been dictated by the Primate of All Spain in person...

...The intense and widespread dislike of Lorca felt by many conservative Catholics dated from the premiere of Yerma. As for Granada, and indication of this can be found in the fact that, while the Republican El Defensor reported enthusiastically on the first night, neither the increasingly conservative Noticiero Granadino nor the Catholic Ideal even mentioned it. Lorca was now seen as an enemy of the Church, and this impression would be confirmed when Margarita Xirgu produced the play in Barcelona some months later. From the point of view of democratically minded people, however, Yerma had brought a breath of fresh air to the Spanish theatre at a time when, with a strongly conservative Government in power, a repressive Church was once again enjoying, and abusing, its centuries-old position of privilege. As one critic wrote, 'This healthily realistic work, with its limpidity, sincerity and dignified revaluation of the functions of the human body, marks a decisive step towards our liberation from the medieval darkness that still oppresses us.'” (398-399)


CHAPTER 9: 1935

SUCCESS IN THE THEATRE

“During January and Februay [1935] crowds flocked to see Yerma, while in New York, on 11 February, Blood Wedding, translated by Jose Weissberger with the title Bitter Oleander and produced by Irene Lewisohn, opened at the Neighborhood Playhouse. The virtual impossibility of rendering Lorca's Andalusian idiom into viable English meant that the play had little chance of success, despite the fact that the poet had collaborated closely with the theatre, sending music and suggestions since 1933. The audience response was far from adverse, however, and, although most of the critics were bemused, some made encouraging noises. When the play came off on 2 March Lorca at least had the satisfaction of knowing that his name was beginning to be mentioned in the city that had affected him so deeply six years earlier.” (400)

“On 28 February [1935], while Yerma continued its run in the Teatro Espanol, Lola Membrives, who had just arrived back in Spain, opened in the Madrid Coliseum with the production of Blood Wedding that had been such a smash hit in Buenos Aires. The critics were enthusiastic and one of them, remembering the original, Josefina Diaz de Artigas production of the play two years earlier, wrote that the Membrives version was a 'revelation'. The play ran until the end of the month... [The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife] had 20 performances in all before coming off at the end of the month, and Blood Wedding 30. As for Yerma, it had more than 130 before ending its run in the Teatro Espanol on 21 April. All of this meant money as well as prestige, and Lorca, now one of the most financially successful dramatists in Spain, could face the future confidently.” (401)

“During [the first months of 1935] Federico's friendship with Pablo Neruda had deepened. Each day they and their numerous friends met in the Cerveceria de Correos, just across the Calle de Alcala from the Post Office. If Federico was the star of the group, Neruda more than held his own. Often the band moved on to the Chilean's flat, known familiarly as 'The House of Flowers', in Calle de Rodriguez San Pedro, on the west side of Madrid looking towards the mountains. Nearby was the Arguelles market where Neruda, a voracious eater, bought the fruit, vegetables and hot peppers he relished. In his flat the parties went on sometimes for days on end, and people could be found asleep in every nook and cranny...

...In June [1935] Neruda published an 'Ode to Federico Garcia Lorca' which must have moved the Spaniard deeply. The poem, drawing on memories of the months when the two coincided in Buenos Aires as well as on their experience in Madrid, shows to what extent Neruda was aware of the dark, death-obsessed side to Federico. In it he imagines the arrival at Lorca's house of an interminable succession of presences, human and non-human, who crave the consolation of talking to the Andalusian poet. 'The summer with its broken lips' turns up; so do 'many people in dying dress', 'broken ploughs and poppies' and 'a rose of hate and needles'; they are followed by Neruda and an assortment of his and Federico's friends in the Argentinian capital and Madrid. Almost forty years later Neruda remembered with intense nostalgia those pre-war months in Madrid. 'They were the great days of my life,' he said on French television. 'It was such a splendid and generous rebirth of Spanish creative life that I never again saw anything that could approach it.'” (403)

DONA ROSITA THE SPINSTER, OR THE SPIRIT OF GRANADA

“In January [1935 Lorca] had been a little more explicit, saying that in [Dona Rosita the Spinster] was expressed 'all the tragedy of Spanish provincial pseudo-refinement, something that will make our newer generations laugh but which is profoundly dramatic socially since it reflects what the middle class was like then'. If the poet seemed in these first observations to be suggesting that Dona Rosita the Spinster explored a social tragedy set in the past, he was shortly to correct any misunderstanding on that point by insisting that the play was perfectly relevant to contemporary Spain:

It would be better to say the drama of Spanish pseudo-refinement, of Spanish hypocrisy, of the desire for sensual pleasure that women have to repress forcibly in the deepest recess of their fevered flesh. For how much longer will all the Dona Rositas of Spain have to carry on like this?

It was some time before the poet publicized that Dona Rosita the Spinster was not only set in Granada but, more specifically, in a typical carmen of the hilly Albaicin quarter, one of those delightful villas with enclosed gardens that look across the valley of the Darro to the Alhambra and, beyond, to the slopes of the Sierra Nevada, and which Lorca felt expressed exactly the introverted spirit of the town. The Albaicin and its carmenes held few secrets for Lorca, and in 1924 he had written to Melchor Fernandez Almagro: 'I love Granada but only to live there on another plane, in a carmen. The rest is nonsense. In a carmen, close to what one loves and feels. Whitewash, myrtle and fountain.' Lorca knew that to share a carmen with the beloved would be bliss – paradise on earth – but that to be there alone and without love could be a form of death, given the incomparable beauty of the surroundings and shut-in, almost conventual, architecture of the houses. The definitive subtitle of the play, 'A Granadine Nineteenth-century Poem', underlines the poet's intention: Dona Rosita the Spinster is the dramatization, with Romantic tints and subtle distancing, of the pena negra or 'black anguish' of Gypsy Ballads, which Lorca identified on several occasions with the spirit of Granada.” (404-405)

“Dona Rosita the Spinster is the work that expresses most subtly Lorca's complex relationship with Granada, a town he both loved and feared – feared on account of its intense introspection, its resistence to change, its lack of vitality and its intolerance. Shortly before the work was first performed later in the year, the poet said that he had written it in order to relax after the tragedies Yerma and Blood Wedding, thinking that it would turn out to be a 'simple and pleasant comedy'. But in fact, he added, it contained more tears than his two previous plays. Given the poet's view of Granada and the work's theme it could hardly have been otherwise, and if ever Lorca came close to identifying with one of his protagonists it was with Rosita.” (407)

GOODBYE TO THE BARRACA

“For Corpus Christi Federico returned to Granada, where, on 28 and 29 June, Margarita Xirgu performed Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna and El Alcalde de Zalamea... in the open-air Palace of Charles V on the Alhambra Hill. Lorca now had an extremely close friendship with Margarita, who had just announced that that autumn, after a brief season in Barcelona, she would be touring with her company in Mexico and other Latin American countries. 'I want little rest from Spain,' she told journalists, 'and I want Spain to have a little rest from me.'...
...In the Huerta de San Vicente [Lorca's good friend, Eduardo] Blanco-Amor took some excellent photographs of the poet, and up at the Alhambra one afternoon was witness to a Lorca 'happening' when Lorca suddenly jumped up on a rampart looking out over the immense sweep of the Vega, and begain to declaim the Ode to Walt Whitman at the top of his voice and as if down below there were a 'Biblical multitude' receiving his words. 'He was utterly changed, transfigured, in a trance,' Blanco-Amor recalled years later...” (407-408)

“The Arabist and landowner Jose Navarro Pardo noted down in his diary a... scene which occurred, probably at about this time, in the Cafe Hollywood... One day he was sitting with some friends when Lorca came in. He got up to greet the poet, had a chat and then rejoined the table. 'How could you have anything to do with that queer?' his companions objected. Lorca was commonly known among the local bourgeoisie as 'The Queer with the Bow-Tie' (el maricon de la pajarita). Such was the mentality of the Granada Right in the months leading up to the electoral victory of the Popular Front. After the victory it would grow even more vicious.” (408)

“On 19 August the Barraca's performances began at the International Summer School in Santander, where a distinguished Italian drama critic and Professor of the History of Theatre at Rome University, Silvio D'Amico, met Lorca and was duly impressed. D'Amico wanted to know how the Barraca was financed, and Lorca explained that, if they had started in 1932 with an annual government grant of 100,000 pesetas, this had later been cut in half (when the Right came to power) and that very summer, finally, altogether. How was the company going to survive in such unfavourable circumstances? Federico insisted that they would continue to perform, no matter what happened. Somewhere the money would be found.” (411)

“The barracos could not help feeling that they had been abandoned by their progenitor, and it was, in fact, the beginning of the end. From this summer onwards Lorca, increasingly engrossed in his own work, began to distance himself from the organization that he more than anyone else had helped to shape; and the process was completed when, that winter, the Students' Union elected new representatives to the committee that ran the University Theatre and Rafael Rodriguez Rapun lost his position as secretary.” (411-412)


CHAPTER 10: BARCELONA

RE-ENCOUNTER WITH DALI

“Margarita Xirgu began her month's season in the Teatro Barcelona on 10 September with Lorca's version of Lope de Vega's La dama boba, which was such a success that the opening of Yerma was delayed for a week. Given the strongly hostile reaction of the right-wing press in Madrid when Yerma was staged the previous December, the adulation the Catalans felt for Margarita Xirgu and the much discussed merits of the play itself, the expectation in Barcelona in the week leading up to the premiere was tremendous. The evening passed off triumphantly, and such was the emotion generated that many members of the audience wept openly...

...Yerma played to full housess for the rest of Margarita Xirgu's run in the Teatro Barcelona and had 29 performances in all, interspersed with 25 of La dama boba.” (413)

“At the end of September [1935] Lorca and Dali met again, after seven years without seeing each other. In April 1934 Salvador, who now had an international reputation, had written the poet from Cadaques on discovering that he had just passed through Barcelona on his return from Argentina. In his postcard he said that he was sure that they would enjoy being together again, and suggested that Lorca collaborate with him on an opera he was planning... 'I think that we should do something together,' wrote Dali, 'If you came we would be able to reach an agreement this time on a lot of things. Gala is dying to meet you.' The card, signed 'Your Buddha, Salvador Dali', painter and poet since 1928,”...

...The momentous re-encounter took place on 28 September, and provoked a minor scandal. That night Lorca was to have attended a concert in his honour. But to the consternation of the organizers the poet failed to appear. The hall was full; the orchestra ready; the choir lined up – but there was no sign of Lorca. Finally Cipriano Rivas Cherif announced that the poet had just met Salvador Dali, whom he had not seen for years, and had gone off with him to the town of Tarragona, fifty miles south of Barcelona.” (414)

“There is no record of the conversations that took place between Dali and Lorca during their few days together in Barcelona. It is difficult to believe, however, that Federico did not question Salvador closely about Un Chien Andalou and the painter's and Bunuel's possible intention therein to satirize him. Certainly, for their friendship to have been renewed so triumphantly, the poet must have already forgiven that suspected assault on his intimacy.” (415)

“A witness to the impassioned discussions that took place during these days between Dali and Lorca, usually in a cafe next door to the Teatro Barcelona, was the young actress Amelia de la Torre, one of the new stars of Margarita Xirgu's company. Amelia was astonished by Dali's ties, which were fashioned out of newspapers, and by the rapt attention with which Federico listened to his friend. In 1986 Salvador recalled with deep nostalgia his last meeting with the poet, which was celebrated in the Canari de la Garriga, the famous restaurant opposite the Hotel Ruiz, much frequented by artists and writers, which Lorca had first visited in 1927.” (416)

BLOOD WEDDING AND DONA ROSITA IN BARCELONA

“After [a brief run of Yerma in October-November 1935 in] Valencia Margarita Xirgu and Federico returned to Barcelona to prepare for the opening of Blood Wedding in the Prinicpal Palace Theatre, which was scheduled for 22 November. Were it not for a series of articles on Lorca published in Mexico by Cipriano Rivas Cherif twenty years after the poet's death, we might never have known that Rodriguez Rapun was with Federico in Barcelona at this time. Rivas recalled that one day the poet failed to turn up for rehearsal and that he found him sitting alone, deeply depressed in a cafe, his head between his hands. It transpired that the previous night, after a binge in a downtown flamenco joint, Rapun had left with a Gypsy girl and failed to return to the hotel where he was staying with Lorca. Federico was in despair, believing that Rapun had abandoned him; and, according to Rivas Cherif, pulled a wad of Rapun's letters out of his pocket to prove the passionate nature of their relationship. If we are to credit Rivas Cherif's reconstruction of that conversation, Lorca went on to relate his homosexuality to his early experience, saying that he had never recovered when, before he was seven, his best friend in Fuente Vaqueros school, slightly younger than himself, was taken away by his parents to another village. The poet also asserted that his close relationship with his mother made it impossible for him to feel heterosexual passion – a claim that Rivas dismissed as cheap Freudianism but that none the less the poet had made publicly in Montevideo two years earlier, when he said that while his brothers and sisters were free to marry, he belonged to his mother.” (420-421)

“Lorca was delighted with Margarita Xirgu's Mother in Blood Wedding and told journalists that he could not have dreamt of finding a better actress for the part. Jose Caballero's sets seemed to him magnificent, while he himself had seen to the musical aspects and would accompany at the piano, during his stay in the city, the poignant lullaby of the horse that refuses to drink. He felt certain that Margarita's production was going to be a hit and constitute its 'real premiere'. Given Lola Membrives's great success with Blood Wedding in Buenos Aires and her recent performances of the work in Madrid, which had received critical acclaim, it is hard to see how Barcelona was about to enjoy its 'real premiere'. Perhaps the poet was carried away by the euphoria of the moment and the warmth of his feelings for the great actress.

Blood Wedding was a hit, certainly, and the critics were almost unanimous in their praise of both the play and of the production. Lorca, however, was principally concerned at this time with the forthcoming premiere of Dona Rosita the Spinster, directed, like Blood Wedding, by Cipriano Rivas Cherif. As rehearsals proceeded and the date for the opening night, 12 December, approached, the excitement grew. One newspaper wrote that no premiere had ever aroused such expectation in Barcelona and that during these days there were only two topics of conversation in the city: Dona Rosita and the political situation... Lorca, the same newspaper reported, was now as famous as Maura, Chapaprieta and Portela Vallardes together. The leading Madrid critics had arrived by air for the premiere, invited by the management of the Principal Palace, and were inspiring among their Barcelona colleagues 'a certain mythical admiration'; while, on the great night, there was 'a sepulchral silence' in the flamenco establishments off the Ramblas because the proprietors, all friends of the poet, were in the theatre.

Dona Rosita the Spinster staggered the audience that packed the Principal Palace that 12 December, and the critics did not fail to see (that was impossible) that, far from being a comedy, the play was essentially a tragedy not dissimilar in theme from Blood Wedding and Yerma, although conceived in a different register. A comment by Maria Luz Morales, perhaps the only female professional theatre critic in Spain, put it succinctly: the play 'induced the lips to smile and the heart to grieve'...

...On hearing about the immense success of the premiere, Jose Moreno Villa, remembering the day eleven years earlier when he had told Lorca about his discovery of the rosa mutabilis, sent him a telegram from Madrid. It read laconically: 'Warmest congratulations from the grandfather of Dona Rosita.' (422)

“Dinner, back-slapping, articles in the papers, a special performance of Dona Rosita for the flower-sellers of the Ramblas, which Lorca called 'the most lively street in the world'; late-night excursions with his friends through the medieval quarter; and, to cap it all, a multitudinous banquet in the Majestic Inglaterra Hotel on 23 December attended by the cream of Catalonia's artists and intellectuals – probably never, not even in Buenos Aires, had the poet known such lionizing and such euphoria as during these last days in Barcelona before he returned home for Christmas.” (423)

“Lorca left for Madrid on 24 December with Rivas Cherif, having promised Margarita that he would join her in Bilbao at the end of January before she embarked for Cuba, the first stop of her overseas tour. On 6 January 1936 Margarita ended her brilliant season in the Catalan capital. Since opening the previous September she had performed Lorca's versions of La dama boba 23 times; Yerma, 37; Blood Wedding, 35; and Dona Rosita 47. This without counting her performances in the Catalan provinces and in Valencia. They had been three marvellous months for poet and actress – months that, after Federico's assassination, Margarita would find impossible to forget.” (4240



CHAPTER 11: LAST MONTHS IN MADRID

MARGARITA XIRGU LEAVES SPAIN

“At the end of the month Lorca was with Margarita Xirgu in Bilbao where, on 26 January, they gave a joint recital. Two days later the actress took her leave of the Basque city with a performance of Blood Wedding attended by the poet... On 31 January Margarita sailed on the Orinoco, bound for Havana. She never saw Lorca again. Over the following months she would try desperately to persuade him to join her in Mexico, but to no avail. The poet was immersed in so projects that it was almost impossible for him to think of moving away from Madrid. It is likely, too, that the idea of leaving Rodriguez Rapun behind was intolerable to him.

After Federico's assassination Margarita was haunted by the memory of their leave-taking in Bilbao, and can have found little consolation in the deeply affectionate lines the poet once had dedicated to her:

Si me voy, te quiero mas,
si me quedo, igual te quiero.
Tu corazon es mi casa
y mi corazon tu huerto.
Yo tengo cuatro palomas,
cuatro palomitas tengo.
Mi corazon es tu casa
y tu corazon mi huerto!”

(427-428)

THE POET AND THE POPULAR FRONT

“Politics and the arts had by now become inextricably mixed, and political significance was given to the least word or most apparently trivial action on the part of writers, painters and thinkers. Keenly aware of the threat of fascism to Europe, and the danger of a right-wing coup in Spain, many of these men and women now openly voiced their support for the Popular Front, and used their influence as public figures to warn the electorate of the dire consequences of another conservative victory.

Among the young intellectuals militating in favour of the Popular Front were Rafael Alberti and his wife Maria Teresa Leon, who had just returned to Madrid after a long visit to South America and Russia. On 9 February, the last Sunday before polling, friends of the couple held a well-attended lunch at the Cafe Nacional, just behind the Plaza Mayor in the Calle de Toledo. During the meal Lorca read for the gathering's approval a draft statement in support of the coalition, which was published in the leading communist daily Mundo Obrero the day before the elections with his own name at the head of more than 300 signatures. The document, entitled, 'The Intellectuals and the Popular Front', appealed to the common sense of voters and expressed the signatories' conviction that only through a united effort on the part of all the progressive forces in Spain could the country recover the dynamism and idealism of the first years of the Republic. It was vital to support the Popular Front candidates.

There could now be no doubt about Lorca's commitment to the cause of democracy, and during the following months this was reaffirmed over and over again and received widespread publicity in the press...

...Lorca continued to make his left-wing position clear, reading his poems at a mass meeting in the Madrid Worker's Club (including the provocative 'Ballad of the Spanish Civil Guard,' from Gypsy Ballads), joining the recently formed Association of Friends of South America, dedicated to combating the dictatorships of Miguel Gomez in Cuba and Getulio Vargas in Brazil, and the Friends of Portugal, founded with the aim of informing the Spanish public about the fascist regime of Oliveira Salazar.

On 5 April Lorca gave a short radio talk about the hidden, melancholy Granada whose Holy Week, in his childhood days, was silent, solemn and utterly unlike the 'Baroque tumult of universal Seville'. The poet expressed himself in disagreement with recent innovations, which had made the occasion more noisy and brash, and begged his fellow granadinos to restore Easter as it was before, in accordance with the inner, contemplative nature of the town. He went on to say that in his opinio Granada was still divided into two incompatible halves, symbolized by the stark contrast between the Moorish Alhambra and the neighbouring Renaissance palace of Emperor Charles V. Spoken only a few months before the beginning of a civil war that would cause the deaths of thousands of granadinos, his own included, these words acquire an almost prophetic tone.” (430-431)

“[On 7 April 1935] Referring to his work in progress, Lorca told [the Madrid newspaper] La Voz that he was writing a new play with a religious and socio-economic theme:

As long as there is economic injustice in the world, the world will be unable to think clearly. That's the way I see it. Two men are walking along a river bank. One of them is rich, the other is poor. One has a full belly and the other fouls the air with his yawns. And the rich man says: 'What a lovely little boat out on the water! Look at that lily blooming on the bank!' And the poor man wails: 'I'm hungry, so hungry!' Of course. The day when hunger is eradicated there is going to be the greatest spiritual explosion the world has ever seen. We'll never be able to imagine the joy that will erupt when the Great Revolution comes. I'm talking like a real socialist, aren't I?

It is not clear if the poet was alluding here to Dream of Life or to some new play he was writing or going to write, but at all events his social commitment was evident. In terms of the political situation at the time, Lorca was indeed talking like 'a real socialist', despite his lack of formal membership of the Socialist Party, and his sympathies could be seen to lie squarely with the proletariat. From a Spanish right-wing point of view, Federico Garcia, by April 1936, was little short of a communist.” (432)

“On 18 April Margarita opened her season at the Bellas Artes Theatre in Mexico, triumphantly, with Yerma, following this success with Dona Rosita the Spinster, The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife and Blood Wedding. Over the following weeks Lorca was intensely conscious that his theatre was conquering new audiences in a country that fascinated him. He must have received many communications from Margarita Xirgu, and probably knew that the Mexican press was already announcing his imminent arrival in the capital.” (432)

The Dreams of My Cousin Aurelia and The House of Bernarda Alba

“On 29 May 1936 the Heraldo de Madrid, which for years had been following Lorca's career with interest, published in its theatre page the 'rumour' that in eight days the poet expected to finish a new play, La Casa de Bernarda Alba ('The House of Bernarda Alba'); that The Dream of Life was well advanced; and that the production of When Five Years Pass by Pura Maortua de Ucelay's Club Anifstora had been postoned until October, when it would be directed personally by the author....

...Lorca finished The House of Bernarda Alba on 19 June, as the date at the end of the manuscript testifies. Was it he who told the Heraldo that the play was a 'drama of Andalusian sexuality'? Perhaps. At all events no statement directly attributed to the poet seems to have appeared about the play in the few weeks leading up to the outbreak of the war. Manuel Altolaguirre recalled in 1937 Lorca's insistence that in The House of Bernarda Alba he had aimed at total simplicity and sobriety, cutting out all unnecessary details. 'No literature, pure theatre,' the poet told Guillermo de Torre...

...At the foot of his list of dramatis personae, the poet wrote that the three acts of the play 'were intended to be like a photographic documentary'. Carlos Morla Lynch, who was present at a reading of the work on 24 June, thought it 'an austere and gloomy etching of dramatic Castile', although in fact it was inspired not by central Spain but by the village of Asquerosa where the poet lived for one or two years after his family left Fuente Vaqueros and where, after settling in Granada, they habitually returned for a few months of the summer. Although the definitive subtitle of the play was 'A Drama of Women in the Villages of Spain', Lorca's first intention was to locate the action in 'an Andalusian village on arid land' – a designation that exactly fits Asquerosa, situated as it is on the dry edge of the lush Vega.

Bernarda Alba is based on Frasquita Alba Sierra, who lived with her family across the street from Don Federico's first house in Asquerosa and next door to Federico's cousins the Delgado Garcias... While in Asquerosa she was remembered as a woman of domineering temperament, she could at no time have ruled as a widow over the children of both [of her] marriages, as the dates show. Bernarda Alba's widowhood tyranny, that is, was invented by the poet.” (434-436)

“...The House of Bernarda Alba evokes the speech of the inhabitants of Asquerosa, lively despite the rather introspective character of the village compared to Fuente Vaqueros; the incredibly long periods of mourning which it was then customary to observe, hardly exaggerated in the play; the eyes spying behind the curtains; the curiousity about sexual scandal (reflected when the dead baby is discovered); the arrival of the reapers each summer from the hills around the Vega, an annual event much looked forward to by the village girls; and the pitiless heat that beats down in summer.” (437)

“Adela's programme for her personal fulfilment is that recommended by the poet throughout his brief life, both to himself and to the people he cared about. 'The day we stop resisting our instincts, we'll have learnt how to live,' he had said emphatically in 1933. The play begins and ends with Bernarda's shouted injunction 'Silence!' - the first time to stifle the public expressions of grief, the second to impose a lie. Two months after he finished The House of Bernarda Alba Lorca was killed by people with a mentality akin to that of his tyrant. And for forty years the Franco regime would efficiciently silence the manner of his death.” (438)

“On 10 June, while he was putting the finishing touches to The House of Bernarda Alba, Federico was interviewed for El Sol by Luis Bagaria, one of the finest political cartoonists of the day. The poet, who took the precaution of answering the questions in writing, began by insisting, as he had done so often of late, on the social mission of the theatre in modern society:

The idea of art for art's sake is something that would be cruel if it weren't, unfortunately, so ridiculous. No decent person believes any longer in all that nonsense about pure art, art for art's sake.

At this dramatic moment in time, the artist should laugh and cry with his people. We must put down the bouquet of lilies and bury ourselves up to the waist in mud to help those who are looking for lilies. For myself, I have a genuine need to communicate with others. That's why I knocked at the door of the theatre and why I now devote all my talents to it.
Lorca was then asked about his opinion of the fall of Moorish Granada to Ferdinand and Isabella in 1492. He came out with a statement as carefully weighed as it was provocative:

It wa a disastrous event, even though they may say the opposite in the schools. An admirable civilization, and a poetry, architecture and sensitivity unique in the world – all were lost, to give way to an impoverished, cowed city, a 'miser's paradise' where the worst middle class in Spain today is busy stirring things up.

...El Sol was the most widely read liberal newspaper in Spain, and Lorca's harsh comments quickly became known in the town, where they enfuriated many people. Having made his position clear and attacked the myth, dear to the heart of the traditionalists, that the fall of the Moorish kingdom was a great Christian victory over paganism, paving the way to national unification and the conquest of the New World, the poet went on to talk about what it meant to him to be Spanish. Here too he trod on not a few conservative toes:

I am totally Spanish, and it would be impossible for me to live outside my geographical boundaries. At the same time I hate anyone who is Spanish just because he was born a Spaniard. I am a brother to all men, and I detest a person who sacrifices himself for an abstract, nationalist ideal just because he loves his country with a blindfold over his eyes. A good Chinaman is closer to me than a bad Spaniard. I express Spain in my work and feel her in the very marrow of my bones; but first and foremost I'm cosmopolitan and a brother of all.”

(439)

“Various witnesses have stated that Lorca was then being constantly pressed by different friends, particularly by Rafael Alberti and Maria Teresa Leon, to join the Communist Party or at least to identify himself more closely with it, and there came a point when he had had enough... Lorca had gone out of his way over the previous months to make his position clear on fascism. But to do so on communism was more tricky, and it seems that, prudently, he decided simply to avoid the issue. In support of this hypothesis it can be added that, shortly before the Civil War erupted, the young poet Jose Luis Cano was present when Lorca refused to sign a Communist manifesto. Federico told him that he felt under no obligation to support the Party publicly. Vicente Aleixandre later informed Cano that Lorca had said to him that he was tired of having his arm twisted by his communist friends. He was not anti-communist but nor was he a fellow-traveller.” (440)

“It was almost certainly on the fateful night of 12 July that, perhaps unaware of the killing of Lieutenant [Jose] Castillo, Lorca gave his last reading of The House of Bernarda Alba. Among those present were the poets Jorge Guillen, Damaso Alonso and Pedro Salinas and the critic Guillermo de Torre. Damaso Alonso recalled in 1948 that, as they were leaving the flat, a lively discussion was taking place about a certain writer, probalby Rafael Alberti, who had become deeply involved with politics. 'He'll never write anything worthwhile now,' Lorca commented according to Alonso, adding, 'As for me, I'll never be political. I'm a revolutionary, because all true poets are revolutionaries – don't you agree? - but political, never! It may be presumed that what Lorca meant was that he would be incapable of joining a political party, not that he did not have political allegiances. Years after publishing the conversation, Damaso Alonso, by then an old man, came up with another detail, remembering that among his list of revolutionary poets Lorca had included Jesus Christ.” (442-443)

“[On the night of 13 July] Lorca was expected by Carlos Morla Lynch. Luis Cernuda was in the company, and recalled in 1938 that the elegant salon was rife with speculation about the assassination of Calvo Sotelo. Lorca did not turn up, to the surprise of Morla, and someone came in and announced that he had just seen the poet off at the station. The someone, presumably, was Rafael Martinez Nadal.

Next morning, 14 July 1936, Lorca was with his parents in the Huerta de San Vicente; and the following day Dona Vicenta wrote to her daughter Isabel, who had just obtained an appointment as a secondary-school teacher, to say how delighted they were that Federico had joined them.” (444-445)


CHAPTER 12: DEATH OF A POET

TERROR IN GRANADA

“Every 18 July, St Federick's Day, the Garcia Lorcas held open house at the Huerta de San Vicente in honour of the father and eldest son of the family. Friends and relatives would arrive, bearing gifts, from the town and the Vega, and the revelry would continue well into the night. But this year things were different. The previous evening the feared anti-Republican revolt had begun in Spanish Morocco, and this morning General Franco had broadcast a message from the Canary Islands announcing the beginning of the National Movement...

...as Franco himself would say a few days later, if it was necessary to destroy half the population in order to win what was now a civil war, he was prepared to do so.” (448-449)

“By 23 July the whole of Granada [after 3 days of fighting through barracades in the Albaicin quarter] was in the hands of the insurgents. They knew, however, that their position was far from secure. The town was almost completely surrounded by Republican territory and a counter-attack might, theoretically, be launched at any moment. It was essential, therefore, that they should immediately consolidate their supremacy by strengthening Granada's defences and eliminating all possibility of renewed resistence from within. To the latter end a reign of terror was now established in the city, which, over the following months, led to the deaths of many hundreds of innocent men and women. Not only were there daily executions of left-wing prisoners against the walls of the cemetery, behind the Alhambra, but, on a less official level, assassination squads operated with impunity, butchering and torturing and reducing the population to a state of absolute panic...

...On 6 August, a Falangist Squad, commanded by Captain Manuel Rojas Feigespan – the man responsible for massacre of anarchists in Casas Viejas in 1934 and whom the rebels had freed from prison – arrived at the Huerta and searched the premises. Looking for what? There was a rumour that at the time, no doubt put about by the poet's enemies, that Federico had a clandestine radio in the house with which he was in touch with 'the Russians', no less. Perhaps the group was searching for this improbable transmitter. But we know no more about the visit: no member of the family, it seems, kept a record of these events...

...Then, on 9 August, things took a decided turn for the worse, when a group arrived at the Huerta looking for the brothers of the caretaker, Gabriel Perea, wrongly accused of having killed two people in Asquerosa on the day the rising began in Granada... The group searched Perea's house, adjoining the Huerta, and then proceeded to pitch his mother down the stairs. Where were her sons, the assassins? Where were they hiding? When the poor woman insisted that she did not know, they hauled her and the rest of the family out on to the terrace in front of the building. There they tied the terrified Gabriel to a cherry tree and someone began to beat him with a whip. The poet, who was witnessing this scene with his parents and sister, could stand it no longer and rushed forward to protest Gabriel's innocence. He was thrown to the ground and kicked. The group immediately recognized him and one of the men snarled, 'Ah, the little queer friend of Fernando de los Rios!' Lorca protested that he was the friend not just of the socialist professor, but of many people of different persuasions. What names he may have given has not been recorded. There was no doubt that the thugs knew exactly where the poet's political sympathies lay. Nor that they despised him. It seems that, before the men left, taking Gabriel with them for interrogation (he was later released), they warned Lorca that he was under house arrest and that he must on no account leave the premises.” (450-451)

“The poet was now frightened. The next time they might come for him. Where could he seek refuge? To whom could he turn for protection? Then he thought of his friend the young poet Luis Rosales, who had returned to Granada, like himself, just before the trouble began in July, and two of whose brothers, Jose and Antonio, were among the town's leading Falangists... Federico immediately telephoned the Rosales's house and was fortunate in being able to contact Luis straightaway... He arrived shortly afterwards, accompanied by his younger brother Gerardo...

...Before Rosales left he warned the family that on no account must they reveal Federico's whereabouts. That night the poet was driven to the Rosales's house at 1 Calle de Angulo... The building was a mere 300 yards from the Civil Government, where Commandant Valdes Guzman was now busy organizing the repression... We know nothing of the brief journey.. but it is not difficult to imagine that once the door of 1 Calle de Angulo closed behind him, the poet felt an overwhelming sense of relief.” (451-452)

WITH THE ROSALES FAMILY

“The fine house has been altered almost beyond recognition since 1936, and is now an hotel. It was of typical local design, comprising an entrance hall with numerous rooms built around an ample patio, where the family lived in summer, and upstairs, two floors and a rooftop terrace. On the second floor, which was virtually independent – the flat had its own staircase to the street as well as a connecting door to the floor below – lived Senora Rosales's sister, Aunt Luis Camacho. It was decided by common consent that Federico should stay there...

...In no way engaged in politics before the are, the twenty-six-year-old Luis Rosales, like his father a liberal conservative, had found himself in a difficult situation when the rising began, and finally decided that he had no option but to don the blue Falangist shirt...

...It ought to be stressed that, in agreeing to shelter the poet, Don Miguel Rosales behaved with considerable bravery and magnanimity. These were dangerous days and it was strictly forbidden to protect a 'Red'... indeed, infringement, could mean death... As events turned out, Miguel Rosales had to pay, literally, for the privilege of having done his best to protect the poet from his enemies: a hefty fine disguised as a contribution to the war effort.” (453-454)

“The poet's time was running out. Shortly before sunrise on Sunday, 16 August, Manuel Fernandez-Montesinos [the left-wing Mayor of Granada] was shot in the cemetery along with twenty-nine other prisoners. At his request the execution the execution was witness by a priest of his acquaintance, who now had the unenviable task of informing Concha Garcia Lorca of her husband's death. The terrible news immediately reached Federico, probably by telephone. Esperenza Rosales was at his side: Lorca was shattered, and we can conjuncture that from this moment he must have lost whatever peace of mind he may have recovered during the week. If the rebels were capable of shooting people as innocent as Montesinos, simply because he held a political post, how could a 'Red' poet hope to escape? Had he not made numerous anti-fascist statements to the press? Had he not criticized the Granada middle-class in El Sol that June? Was he not a close friend of Fernando de los Rios? Had the Catholic press not greatly disliked Yerma, considering it immoral and an attack on traditional values? Was he not a homosexual and loathed as such by many people in Granada?... the previous day, 15 August, another group had arrived at the Huerta, this time with a warrant for his arrest. On discovering that Lorca was no longer there the men had combed the house and even dismantled the baby grand piano in search of incriminating papers – or perhaps the phantom radio. Finally the leader of the group had threatened the family that, if they did not reveal the whereabouts of the poet, he would take his father away instead. Terrified, Concha blurted out that Federico had not escaped but was staying in the house of a Falangist friend, like him a poet. Perhaps she even supplied Rosales's name. Either way it made little difference. By 15 August Lorca's pursuer knew where he was hiding.”(454-455)

“[The group] looked for him first at the house of Luis's brother, Miguel, and realizing their mistake soon located him at 1 Calle de Angulo. On the afternoon of 16 August Federico was arrested and taken away. It was a large-scale operation mounted by the Civil Government: the block was cordoned off, police and guards surrounded it and armed men were even stationed on the rooftops to prevent the poet from escaping that way.

The person who arrived at the Rosales's' house to detain Lorca was well known in Granada: the ex-Member of Parliament Ramon Ruiz Alonso, who belonged to Gil Robles's right-wing Coalition Party...

...It seems that Ruiz Alonso was a friend of Horacio Roldan Quesada, the Asqueros landowner who had had brushes with Lorca's father and who, with his brother Miguel, had participated in the vist to the Huerta de San Vicente during which Gabriel Perea had been beaten. It is possible, therefore, that Ruiz knew what had happened that day and that his arrival at the Rosales's house was not unconnected with those events, nore with the Roldan's dislike of the Garcia Lorca family

When Ruiz Alonso knocked on the door of 1 Calle de Angulo, on the afternoon of 16 August, he was accompanied by two political friends: Juan Luis Trescastro – a well-known local landowner and playboy in the purest machista tradition – and Luis Garcia Alix, the Secretary of Gil Robles's Party in Granada.” (455-457)

“None of the Rosales menfolk were at home at the time... Senora Rosales stood up bravely to Ruiz Alonso and refused point-blank to allow him to take the poet away. How dare he come to their house, a Falangist house, on such a mission?... According to Esperanza Rosales, who listened horrified to the conversation between her mother and Ruiz Alonso, the latter stated categorically that the poet was in trouble because of what he had written. Probably, Ruiz Alonso felt, this was what the authorities wanted to talk to Lorca about.

Senora Rosales now tried to contact her sons by telephone, eventually locating Miguel at Falangist HQ and telling him what was happening. It was agreed that Ruiz Alonso should drive over immediately to consult with him about what should be done... In the care Ruiz Alonso had told [Miguel] that Lorca was a 'Russian spy' and that 'he had done more damage with his pen than others with their guns'...

...Upstairs on the second floor Lorca must have realized from the outset that something serious was taking place... Moreover, Esperanza Rosales has said that shortly after Ruiz Alonso's arrival she slipped upstairs to tell Federico what was afoot. He must have felt that the end had come...

...When Ruiz Alonso returned with Miguel Rosales, the poet was ready to leave. Miguel explained to his mother that, given the circumstances, he had no option but to allow Ruiz to take Federico to the Civil Government building. He would personally accompany them and find out what the problem was. Nothing would happen to the poet. Probably all they wanted was to ask him some questions. He would sort the whole thing out with the Governor. Esperanza went to fetch Lorca...

...In 1956 Luis Rosales told the Spanish-born American researcher Agustin Penon that Lorca in these moments was in a state of almost complete collapse, trembling and weeping. Luis must have learnt this when he returned home that evening. As he took his leave of Esperanza, whom he had nicknamed his 'Divine Gaoler', Federico murmured, 'I'm not going to shake hands with you, because I don't want to think we're never going to meet again.'” (457-458)

THE POET IN THE HANDS OF HIS ENEMIES

“When they reached the [Civil Government] building a minute later Miguel discovered that Valdes, the Governor, was not there. In charge was a retired Lieutenat-Colonel of the Civil Guard, Nicolas Velasco, who explained that Valdes was visiting positions in the Alpujarras and was not expected until that evening. Meanwhile he would take charge of Lorca. Miguel tried to calm the poet, promising that he would return as soon as possible with Jose, and assuring him that nothing would happen to him...

...After being searched, Lorca was locked in one of the rooms on the first floor of the building...

...When Luis and Jose Rosales arrived in Granada that evening they were outraged to learn what had happened. They decided to confront Valdes immediately... There Velasco insisted that Valdes had not yet returned from his visit to the Alpujarras (it seems almost certain that this was true), and suggested that Luis should immediately make a formal statement concerning the matter...

...Later that night Jose Rosales returned to the Civil Government building and, forcing his way into Valdes's room, began a violent discussion with the Governor. Two days before his death in 1978 Rosales recalled that scene, claiming that, on his desk, Valdes had a typewritten accusation against the poet, two or three pages long, drawn up and signed by Ramon Ruiz Alonso. The document, if we can believe Rosales, stated that Lorca, a subversive writer, had a clandestine radio in the Huerta de San Vicente with which he was in contact with the Russians; that he was a homosexual; that he had been the secretary of Fernando de los Rios (which was not the case); that, moreover, the Rosales brothers were betraying the movement by sheltering a notorious Red... Valdes, waving it in Rosales's face, had exclaimed: 'Look, Jose, if it weren't for this I'd let you take him away right now. But I can't because look what it says!'...Meanwhile he promised that nothing would happen to the poet.” (459-460)

“When Ruiz Alonso took Lorca away, Senora Rosales immediately telephoned the poet's family who, the previous day, after the violent scene that had taken place in the Huerta, had moved into their daughter Concha's flat near the Puerta Real. She also contacted her husband, who went straightaway to see the Garcia Lorcas. Accompanied by Don Federico, Rosales set off in search of the lawyer Manuel Perez Serrabona, with a view to engaging him to defend the poet. 'We thought that there might be some sort of a trial,' Esperanza Rosales has said, 'and there would be the possibility of a legal defence.' But no such defence was feasible.

The following morning Jose Rosales obtained from the Military Command an order for Lorca's release, hurrying with it to the Civil Government building. There Valdes, livid, told him that it was too late, that Lorca had already been taken away and that he should now see what he could do to save his brother Luis's skin for his involvement in the affair...

...Angelina Cordobilla, the nanny of Concha Garcia Lorca's three children, who was with the family at the Huerta when the rising began and had now moved with them into their town flat. Angelina remebered perfectly in 1955, when she was interviewed by Agustin Penon, her experiences during those terrible days twenty years earlier. For a month she had made her way each day across Granada from the Huerta to the gaol to take food and clean clothing to Manuel Fernandez-Montesinos. Then, on the morning of 16 August, they had told her that he had just been shot. She returned home with the undelivered basket. That afternoon the news came that the poet had been arrested. 'How could I ever forget it?' Angelina exclaimed in 1966. 'Don Manuel that dawn and the poet in the afternoon!'

Angelina insisted that she went three successive mornings, terrified, to the Civil Government building with food, coffee and other things for Lorca. After squabbling among themselves, the guards on duty at the entrance had allowed her on each occasion to go up to the first floor where the poet was imprisoned... The third [day] as she left the flat in Calle de San Anton, a stranger stopped her. 'The person you are going to see is no longer there,' he said. But Angelina continued on her way to the Civil Government building. At the entrance the guards told her that the poet had left, and allowed her to go up to the room to collect her things.” (461-462)

“Why did Valdes lie to Jose Rosales on the morning of 17 August, alleging that Lorca was no longer in the building? It seems that the rebel Governor, aware of the poet's celebrity, hesitated before giving the order to shoot him. Much as he must have disliked Lorca and what he stood for, Valdes was probably apprehensive about the consequences that the poet's death might have for the Nationalist cause... Valdes was implacable in his persecution of 'Reds', and, if he though twice in the case of Lorca, the only reason can have been his concern about adverse reaction to the killing. There is good circumstantial evidence to suggest that, before the fatal decision was taken, Valdes got in touch with General Quiepo de Llano – the supreme commander of the Nationalists in Andalusia – to ask for his advice. And, according to a reliable source, the General's reply was that the poet should be given 'coffee, plenty of coffee' – his formula when recommending an execution.” (462-463)

“Lorca left the Civil Government building handcuffed to another victim: a primary school-master called Dioscoro Galindo Gonzalez, from Valladolid. Between 1929 and 1934 Galindo had taught in the province of Pulianas, not far from Granada, in September of the latter year. A staunch Republican, he was much loved by his pupils but fell foul of the secretary of the local municipal corporation who, when the war began, denounced him as a dangerous enemy. He was arrested at his home by a group of Falangists and taken to Granada. His family never saw him again...”

FUENTE GRANDE

“In July 1936, on the outbreak of the war, Viznar was converted into one of the Granada Nationalists' fortified outposts, it being evident to the rebels that the village would become a position of considerable importance in the struggle to resist Republican incursions from the hills...

...But Viznar was not only a military position. Had it been that alone, it would not be so notorious today in Granada. Viznar is remembered because it was above all a Nationalist execution place, a Calvary for many hundreds of men and women liquidated by the rebels... every night cars would arrive from the Civil Government building and the surrounding countryside with batches of 'undesirables' to be dispatched at dawn...

...In the days of the Republic [the watermill up the road from the Viznar square] was a spacious building, Villa Concha, which served as a summer residence for schoolchildren from Granada and was known to the local inhabitants, accordingly, as 'La Colonia' ('The Colony'). When the Falangists converted Viznar into a military position at the end of July 1936 they turned the 'Colonia' into a makeshift position, and here the cars came each night with condemned men and women. A building associated with holidays and happiness had suddenly become a house of death.” (465)

“We know from various witness that Lorca spent his last hours at the 'Colonia'. Especially important is the testimony of Jose Jover Tripaldi... He was there the night that Lorca arrived. A fervent Catholic, it was Jover Tripaldi's custom to inform the victims that they would be taken the following morning to work on fortifications, or to repair roads. Then, as the moment for the executions drew nearer, he would tell them the terrible truth. This he saw as charity. If the prisoners want, they could then be confessed by the priest and give the guards a last message for their families.

According to Jover Tripaldi, Lorca, when told that he was going to be shot, wanted to take confession. But the priest had already left. The younger man, seeing the poet's deep distress, assured him that, if he asked God's forgiveness sincerely, his sins would be forgiven him. He helped Federico with the prayer beginning 'I, sinner...', which the poet only half remembered. 'My mother taught it to me,' he murmured, 'but I've almost completely forgotten it.' According to Jover Tripaldi – and we have only his word for it – the poet seemed more tranquil once he had prayed.” (466)

“Lorca was one of the early victims, and, contrary to what has often been said, is not buried in the barranco at Viznar. He and three other condemned men were taken, before sunrise, further along the road to Alfacar. There was no moon – Federico, lunar poet that he was, did not have even that consolation. The lorry stopped not far from the famous spring known as the Fuente Grande, or 'Big Fountain', which has a fascinating history. The Arabs, intrigued by the bubbles that rise continually to the surface of the pool, called it Ainadamr, 'The Fountain of Tears', and in the eleventh century began the construction of a canal to carry the water to Granada...

...It seems appropriate that the Fuente Grande, sung by the Islamic poets of Granada, should continue to bubble up its clear waters close to the last resting poet ever born in this part of Spain. For it was here, just before reaching the pool, that the killers shot their victims, leaving their bodies beside an olive grove on the right-hand side of the road coming from Viznar.” (468-469)

“No fully trustworthy account of Federico's last moments has come down to us: there is no record of his words, if he spoke any; none of any request... According to two independent sources, however, the poet was not killed outright by the fusilade, and had to be finished off by a coup de grace. Among the assassins, almost certainly, was Juan Luis Trescastro, Ruiz Alonso's accomplice, who boasted later that morning in Granada that he had just helped to shoot Lorca, firing, for good measure, 'two bullets into his arse for being a queer'. Such was the mentality of the Granada bourgeoisie criticized by the poet in El Sol two months earlier; and the possibility that Lorca was tortured in this way before the squad completed the job cannot be excluded.” (468)

“When the rising started [in Granada], Don Manuel [de Falla], appalled and terrified, had shut himself up in his carmen below the Alhambra. There he learned of the killings that were taking place in town... Then, one day, they told him that Federico had been arrested and was in mortal danger. Falla, a gentle, timid man, knew that he must try to help his friend, and accordingly set out in search of some young Falangists of his acquaintance with whom he made his way to the Civil Government building... It was too late. The poet had been taken away that morning. Shattered, the composer then went to the flat of the recently executed Dr. Manuel Fernandez-Montesions in the Calle de San Anton, to which he knew the Garcia Lorcas had moved from the Huerta de San Vicente. The news of Federico's death had been withheld from his parents, who still believed that he might be saved, and one of the poet's cousins, Isabel Roldan, begged Don Manuel to say nothing.” (468-469)

“Before Lorca was shot that morning at least 280 people had already been killed in the cemetery, while the burial records for the three years of the war list 2,000. The true total was undoubtedly much higher. And this is without taking into account the many hundreds of less 'official' assassinations carried out in the villages. Seen in the context of the repression of Granada, the poet's death was no more exceptional than that of the university professors, the town councillors, doctors and teachers, and the thousands of more humble workers and trade unionists who were murdered throughout the province. The rebels were determined to liquidate all their left-wing opponents, and, so far as they were concerned, Lorca was just one more 'Red', albeit a particularly obnoxious one.” (469)

“It was three weeks before the Republican press picked up the rumour that Lorca had been killed by the fascists. Disbelieved at first, the rumour became a certainty soon afterwards when several people escaped from Granada and told the story of what was happening in the city, with convincing information about the poet's arrest and death. There was consternation throughout the Spanish-speaking world, while the European press also reported on the matter. Almost overnight Lorca became a Republican martyr. Symptomatic of the growing international concern over the poet's fate was the telegram sent to the Granada rebel authorities from England on 13 October 1936. It read: 'H.G. Wells, President of the PEN Club of London, anxiously desires news of his distinguished colleagues Federico Garcia Lorca and will greatly appreciate courtesy of reply.' The answer, signed by Colonel Antonio Gonzalez Espinosa, was laconic. 'From Governor of Granada to H.G. Well,' it ran. 'I do not know whereabouts of Don Federico Garcia Lorca.' The reply made it obvious that Lorca had indeed been killed for, by this stage, the Nationalist authorities realized what an appalling blunder had been committed in Granada, and, had the poet been alive, would have stopped at nothing to demonstrate that the rumours were false.

At the end of 1939, nine months after the war finished, Lorca's family started the proceedings to have his death officially entered in the Civil Register. Two witnesses produced by the Granada authorities swore that they had seen the body by the roadside between Viznar and Alfacar; and, in 1940, the inscription was duly affected. The document stated that Lorca died 'in the month of August 1936 from war wounds'. It sounded for all the world as if the poet had been the unfortunate victim of a stray bullet.” (469-470)

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